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Monday, December 31, 2007

维吾尔族弓箭文化浅论

维吾尔族 阿布拉江•穆罕穆德·乌迷德雅尔(硕士)
(喀什师范学院人文系)

内容提要:在维吾尔古典文学中有大量关于弓箭的记述与描写,这体现了弓箭在古代维吾尔族生活与艺术中的重要地位与作用。对探寻古代维吾尔人的生活方式和文化有着 路标性的重要价值。本文根据维吾尔古典遗产中所描述的弓箭的情节对维吾尔族弓箭文化的历史足迹进行简要的讨论。 关键词:维吾尔人、文学遗产、弓箭文化作者单位:新疆喀什师范学院人文系 弓箭是自原始社会起就被人类在生活及各种社会活动中广泛使用的,构造简单、使用方便、最具有效率的生产和战斗武器,也是将人类从愚昧时代带入文明阶段的重要物质手段。 人类是在愚昧时代的高级阶段和文明时代的初期发明弓箭并开始使用的。原始部落最早发明的简陋的石箭,起初只是用于抵御猛兽或打猎,满足生活上的需要,后来也广泛用于其他社 会活动。因为随着人类社会后期的发展,人们的社会劳动已超越单纯的狩猎活动而趋向多样化。随着市场的形成,阶级和国家的出现,社会上各种人群之间的竞争加剧。各部落之间争夺的发生,使弓箭这个重要武器与人类的生死胜败的命运紧紧联系在一起,成为胜者显示实力的法宝。在这种长期的社会实践过程中,认识到弓箭的决定性作用和价值的先辈们把它看成是具有独特审美价值的对象。所以在历史上许多天子和勇士们认为打猎或作战行动能否取胜取决于弓箭这一法宝,在他们中间就产生了弓箭崇拜意识。 每个民族几乎都具有关于弓箭和弓箭民俗的神话、传说。原始文化学称:古代人按照太阳的形状发明了弓箭。处于狩猎生活阶段的原始人大都把太阳看成是最神圣的和战无不胜的狩猎者,因此他们把按照这一审美意识造出的弓箭,看作一轮正在冉冉升起光芒四射的太阳。考古学的成果对我国西北部使用突厥语的维吾尔人古代文化里,弓箭在历史和社会发展过程中的重要作用与价值都有充分的表述。在新疆阿尔泰山和天山山麓的山洞里,吐鲁番,敦煌的古千佛洞里及托克孙县的潘吉热山上发现的箭石画像和石图里都有手持箭的人的画像或弓箭的图像。 维吾尔古典文学遗产中关于弓箭的描述也很引人注目。比如:在著名史诗《乌古斯可汗的传说》这部作品中,主人公乌古斯可汗以腰挂弓箭,在狩猎活动中大显身手的英雄面貌出现。史诗的后一部分又这样写到:乌古斯可汗的明哲的大臣吾鲁克•突尔克(ulugturk)梦中见到一张金弓和三支银箭。乌古斯可汗根据大臣的梦中之见,派自己的儿子们去打猎。在打猎的过程中,乌古斯可汗的大老婆所生的三个儿子,找回三支银箭交给了父亲①。就这样乌古斯可汗对儿子们的祝愿和自己的壮志都将通过弓箭实现。乌古斯可汗在行军开始前就对部下说:我当了你们的可汗。你们拿起盾和弓箭随我征战让族标成为我们的福兆。让苍狼作为我们的战斗口号让我们的铁矛像森林一样。让野马奔驰在我们的猎场让河水在我们的土地上奔流。让太阳作旗帜,蓝天作庐帐②。 在这些诗行里最先出现的是弓箭。从此,乌古斯可汗率领武装骑兵出军四边,征服其他部落。作品的结尾部分也这样写到:乌古斯可汗将其儿子们找回来的预兆性的弓和箭作为宝贵遗产分给了儿子们。《乌古斯可汗的传说》中有关弓箭的这种象征性的故事情节与古希腊的《伊利亚特》和《奥得塞》等史诗中神话勇士的战斗武器以及印度的《摩诃婆罗多》和《罗摩衍那》史诗中的大勇士们用太阳神赏赐的宝剑与对手搏斗,显示其身手不凡等神奇的故事情节一样,具有很高的象征性和审美价值。 我们的先辈把弓箭神圣化的传统在维吾尔族民间传说《巴特尔天子》中也比较集中地表现出来。这部传说称:匈奴王子巴特尔从约齐(大月氏)国逃回后,为了战胜对手发明了具有特殊功能的有响弓箭,同时依靠这支弓箭取得了政权③。《巴特尔天子》中的箭的形象被描绘成勇气、运气和获取胜利的重要手段。 维吾尔族11世纪著名学者麻赫穆德•喀什葛里在他所著的《突厥语大词典》中谈到有关“维吾尔”词源时,特意列举了一个与弓箭有关的传说。传说中说:皇帝伊斯坎德尔(公元前356一323)周游到突厥邦时,突厥(维吾尔)可汗派出有四千弓箭手的骑兵队,这些弓箭手站立于马上,无论向前或者向后都能非常准确地射中目标,见到这支队伍高超的射箭技术,伊斯坎德尔十分敬佩维吾尔人,说他们的确勇敢,任何猎物都逃脱不了这些弓箭手。后来还说了一句:"Inan E Huz hurand依南哦胡孜胡然德)”,意为“他们是善于打猎,随时能找到自己的食物”。之后他与维吾尔人签定了条款,后来他所说的“胡孜胡尔”一同就变成了“维吾尔”。虽然这种说法不能完全解释“维吾尔”名称的来源,但这一历史情节能告诉我们古代维吾尔人关于弓箭的事迹。 把维吾尔人在各个历史时期的战斗生活、社会理想、信仰荣誉和审美意识有机地联系在一起,把有关弓箭文化的这种传说和有关弓箭的艺术作品与世界上其他民族的民俗文化作对比,她有着区别于别的民族的深刻的思想层次、深刻的民族渊源和历史延续性。 从考古出土文物来看,维吾尔人在旧石器时代的后期就发明和使用弓箭。从尉犁地区楼兰古城的西北部到其西南部的库力比西古城遗址和哈密七口井废墟等地都发现了石箭和箭头。若羌县境内的古楼兰陵墓出土的“楼兰之美”陵中发现了金属箭头。这些证明,维吾尔人的弓箭文化具有悠久的历史。我们的先辈们至少在4000年前,就结束了用石箭和木制弓箭的时期,广泛地使用金属箭。 体现维吾尔人古氏族时期生命活动的题为《艾尔格纳昆》的史诗就描绘了古代生活在阿尔泰山山麓的东图拉(tura)部落(有时称突兰或敕勒)自图腾主义和氏族主义社会时期起就用矿石炼铁的生活经历。这里有关提炼金属的事实,为我们提供了有关维吾尔人制造金属弓箭的某些信息。 弓箭的产生及其逐步更新是人类文明史中自发明火以后创造的第二个奇迹。它在古代人类的生活和社会发展过程中的实际功能是其他任何生产工具所不能比拟的。因此在生活中广泛和有效地使用弓箭,使我们的先辈们将弓箭这个独特的工具看成是生命力和胜利的象征,是神奇力量的载体。这种弓箭神圣观在维吾尔人古代文化遗产、艺术宝库以及风俗习惯和政权观中一直有所表现。维吾尔人古代弓箭在我们祖辈文明史中的作用在其他方面也有所表现。根据《巴特尔天子》传说中有关于响弓箭的描述,随着箭从弓中射出,便会产生一种急促的响声(空气波所产生的声音),我们的先辈们把这种声音警示看成是自己弓箭的神奇功能。这样,古代维吾尔人从弓弦发声认识到细小物体的振动波中可产生自然和谐的声音这一自然规律,发明了原始的拨弦乐器。从发明学的观点来看,任何一种发明都是从生活中某种偶然现象所得到的启示中开始的。通过作为维吾尔人神圣武器的弓箭的启示产生的乐器及其后发展出的多种形式对维吾尔人音乐文化发展产生了很大的影响。与世界上其他民族相比,弹拨乐器种类和形式的多样化,传统乐器和乐曲的丰富多彩及民众活泼开朗、偏爱艺术是维吾尔人特有的文化特点之一。总的来说,在长期的历史发展过程中生活于我国西北地区的维吾尔人民形成了丰富的文化传统。这种传统文化现象表现于他们的古代文学和艺术作品中。勤劳和富有创造性的维吾尔族先辈们的弓箭文化渗透到物质生活和精神生活的各个领域,并以各种形式和方法在他们的生活、精神信仰、民俗文化和文学艺术遗产中表现出来。对这种具有历史延续性和民族独特性的课题进行研究,并将它进一步深入、科学地阐释,将成为当前维吾尔人类学和文化学的历史使命和研究趋势。注释:①克由木霍加等著《古代维吾尔文献选》(维吾尔文版),第128页,新疆人民出版社1984年版。②海来提江;}(维吾尔古代文学研究》(汉文版),第47页,新疆大学出版社1999年版③瓦依提江等著《维吾尔古典文学初谈》(维吾尔文版),第68页,民族出版杜1987年版。主要参考资料:(1)图尔孙、阿尤普等编《乌古斯传》民族出版社北京1980年维吾尔文版。(2)超孟子(日本)《科学之史》民族出版社、北京1990年维吾尔文版。(3)阿、热合曼《丝绸之路上的神话传说》新疆人民出版社1986年维吾尔文版。 本论文发表于《民族文学研究》2004年第4期

From: www.kashghari.com/zh-cn

Saturday, December 29, 2007

新疆的节日

新疆的主要节日是伊斯兰教的盛大节日肉孜节和古尔邦节。
肉孜节 又称开斋节,每年回历九月是穆斯林的斋月,在此期间,他们只在日出之前和日落之后进食,白天禁止任何饮食,这种斋戒一直持续到开斋日之后,要连续庆祝三天。
古尔邦节 又称宰牲节,相传真主安拉曾命令先知易卜拉欣宰杀儿子献祭,忠诚的易卜拉欣听从真主的命令准备杀子,此时真主命他以羊代子。这一天是肉孜节后的70天,即回历12月10日,人们将这天定为宰牺节。在这些节日里,穆斯林们都要沐浴整装去清真寺做礼拜,还要走亲访友,杀羊烹肉款待客人,进行各种娱乐活动,场面十分热闹。   此外,新疆还有藏传佛教的麦德尔节、塔吉克族的灯节和播种节、锡伯族的西迁节等等

维吾尔族的古尔邦节

伊斯兰教使用的历法,分太阳历和太阴历,太阳历用于农耕,一年365天或者366天,与公历基本相同。太阴历用于教事,一年354天或者355天,跟四季的轮回总相差十来天。先知穆罕默德入主麦地那的第二天(公元622年7月16日)为伊斯兰教历的元年元旦,古尔邦节是宗教节日,在伊斯兰教历十二月十日;肉孜节在斋月结束后的第二天、古尔邦节前七十天。由于古尔邦节与肉孜节的日期与公历之间的差异,使这些年节有时候是在冬天,有时候却又是夏天。季节不同,节庆的色彩也不同,这就使得年节也异常的多彩。 临近古尔邦节的时候,家家户户的主妇就忙碌起来了,她们要制作大量的油炸馓子和各种精美点心,为节日期间来家里贺节的亲朋好友和远方的来客准备好充足的美食。盛大的节日也是主妇们的手艺与持家德行的大展示和大竞赛。 古尔邦为阿拉伯语,意为“牺牲”、“献牲”,故回族学者将古尔邦节意译为宰性节,也有译为“忠孝节”的。该节起源于一个伊斯兰教故事:真主为了考验先知伊卜拉欣的忠诚,在夜里降梦给伊卜拉欣,叫伊卜拉欣宰杀自己的儿子献祭。伊卜拉欣毫不犹豫地照办了。在他要用刀子害断亲生儿子伊斯玛仪的喉管时,真主便派使者用一只黑头绵羊替代了伊斯玛仪。因为有此渊源,在过古尔邦节的时候每户穆斯林都得至少宰杀一只羊,有的还宰牛、骆驼、马(萨克族与柯尔克孜族),家里实在太穷的也得宰杀一只鸡。但是受到各种条件的限制,现在的城市穆斯林只好在市场上购买宰杀好的牛羊肉了。古尔邦节期间大家都要相互串门贺节,每到一户,主人必会为客人端上来一盘清炖大块羊肉,而客人即吃得再饱,也得尝尝主人家的羊肉。亲朋好友相聚,视歌舞为饭食的新疆各民族人民,就会弹起琴,唱起歌,跳起舞,到处是一派欢乐的景象。 大聚礼之后,各家各户都要到墓地去祈祷,怀并祝福死去的亲人。 古尔邦节这一天清晨的礼拜,是一年中规模最大的一次礼拜,所有的成年男人都得去当地的礼拜寺参加聚礼,场面蔚为壮观。最著名的有喀什艾提尕尔清真大寺前的大聚礼,聚礼之后,乐师们登上艾提尕尔清真大寺的门顶,敲起纳格拉(铁壳鼓),吹起苏奈依(唢呐),大寺前广场上的男子们就跳起了热情奔放的舞

维吾尔民族乐器

维吾尔民间乐器品种多、制作美、着色好、音质悦耳。在民间较为广泛使用的乐器主要有:  弹布尔:其声铿锵、悦耳,十分独特。弹布尔常用作独奏乐器,在家庆宴乐中与热瓦甫、手鼓等乐器组台,为歌舞伴奏。  都塔尔:是维吾尔族民间唯一的指弹弦乐器—。这种乐器音色柔美,可独奏,也可与手鼓一起为歌舞伴奏。  热瓦甫:是维吾尔、塔吉克和乌孜别克等少数民族所喜爱的弹拨乐器,比较普及。弹奏时左手握颈斜滑走弦,右手持牛角片或竹片弹拨演奏。  达卜:汉语称手鼓,是维吾尔族民间广泛使用的古老的打击乐。为合奏和伴奏不可缺少的乐器,它声音脆亮,在乐队中起着统一节奏和速度的作用。它是波斯阿拉伯文化东传的产物之一。  纳格拉:是以木槌敲击演奏的乐器,汉语称铁鼓。主要用于盛大节日和婚礼。它与唢呐相配合,创造出一种欢快喜悦的气氛,令人情不自禁地手舞足蹈起来。  红铜器:是喀什重要的民间工艺品之一。它历史悠久,别具特色。  其主要种类有:盛水用的阿卜吐勒(手壶)、接水用的其拉布其(盆)、盛饭用的里干(盘)等等。喀什红铜器制做工艺高超,造型美观大方,图案纹饰秀丽,具有显著的民族风格和地方特色,不仅是良好的生活用品,而且具有较高的观赏价值。

来源:http://www.kashghari.com/zh-cn/

Tuesday, December 25, 2007

察哈台维吾尔语(中央民族大学)

教学大纲
中央民族大学本科生课程教学大纲
一、课程名称  察哈台维吾尔语二、学时学分   36学时,2学分三、开课对象  本科生,研究生四、课程类别  必修五、课程目的与任务本课程主要讲授察哈台维吾尔语的基本语法、适用范围以及社会意义等。首先,以历史语言学的角度,介绍察哈台维吾尔语的形成过程、使用时间以及历史作用。其次,以使用语言学的角度来解释,当今学习并研究该语言的现实意义等。通过一个学期的教学,让学生掌握14世纪初至20世纪上半叶期间,维吾尔等民族使用过的察哈台维吾尔语的基本语法,书写规则以及构词特点,以便达到能阅读并解释察哈台维文文献的水平。察哈台维吾尔语是古代维吾尔语在伊斯兰文化时代的继续,是现代维吾尔语的基础,是维吾尔族语言文化史上,使用时间最长、产生文献最多的语言。在现代维吾尔语中,察哈台维吾尔语的残存非常多,当代维吾尔族人正在使用的有关宗教、文学以及民俗的很多词汇,只能在察哈台维语语法的帮助下,才能得到最透彻的解释。因此,通过学习,让学生意识到,只有学好察哈台维吾尔语,才能够真正了解到现代维吾尔语的形成及发展过程,以便提高他们运用现代维吾尔语的能力,是该课程教学的主要目的和任务。六、课程各章重点与难点,教学要求与教学内容教学内容、重点与难点:第一章,引论。重点讲授察哈台维语尔语的由来。第二章,重点讲授察哈台维吾尔语与古代维吾尔语的关系。第三章,重点讲授察哈台维吾尔语与当时的维语口语的关系。第四章,重点讲授当今学习并研究察哈台维吾尔语的实际意义。第五章,重点讲授察哈台维语的语法特点。 第六章,介绍察哈台维吾尔语文献概貌。第七章,察哈台维吾尔语文献选读。教学要求:通过一个学期的教学,要求同学们掌握到,在14世纪初至20世纪上半叶期间,维吾尔等民族使用过的察哈台维吾尔语的基本语法,书写规则以及构词特点,以便达到能阅读并解释察哈台维吾尔文文献的水平。七、学时分配表1、引论:2学时  2、察哈台维吾尔语与古代维吾尔语的关系:2学时3、察哈台维语与当时的维语口语的关系:2学时4、当今学习并研究察哈台维语的实际意义:2学时5、察哈台维语的语法特点语音:(1)察哈台维文字母表及正字法:3- 4学时(2)元音,辅音及其在文字中的表现:2学时 (3)语音和谐,语音脱落及语音变化现象:3-4学时词法:(1)名词及其格范畴:4-5学时 (2)形容词,代词:4-5学时(3)副词,数量词:2学时(4)动词:4-5学时(5)虚词:2学时句法:3-4学时八、作业与考核方式 每周六一次口头完成的作业,期末写一篇论文,并进行笔试。九、课程教材及参考书教材:《察哈台维吾尔语通论》,民族出版社,2004年

央民族大学维吾尔语言文学系察哈台维吾尔语课程介绍

察哈台维吾尔语,是指从14世纪至20世纪中叶,维吾尔族人使用过的语言。它实际上是古代维吾尔语在伊斯兰文化时代的继续,是维吾尔族人信仰伊斯兰教后的一千多年里,吸收大量的阿拉伯语和波斯语成分而形成的近古代语言。同时,它又是现代维吾尔语的基础。这就是说,当今维吾尔语中,正在使用的所有词汇及语言因素无一不是经过察哈台维吾尔语时代的筛选而来的。因此,学习并深入研究察哈台维吾尔语,对研究现代维吾尔语的形成及发展过程起着必不可少的重要作用。正因为如此,维吾尔语言文学系非常重视察哈台维吾尔语课的教学。在整个维吾尔语专业的教学当中,察哈台维吾尔语课的教学分量是相当重要的。 一流的课程应有一流的教材。课程负责人阿布都鲁甫教授编著的教材《察哈台维吾尔语通论》较好地涵盖了本课程的教学内容。该教材共分3部,7章,22节,约30万字。以下是该教材的主要章节目录:第一部:察哈台维吾尔语概论:第一章,关于察哈台维吾尔语在古代维吾尔语的基础上形成的问题;第二章,察哈台维吾尔语时代的文学语言与口语的关系;第三章,当今学习和研究察哈台维吾尔语的实际意义。 第二部:察哈台维吾尔语语法:第一章,语音。第一节,察哈台维吾尔语文字、辅助符号及其运用;辅音及其表现;元音及其表现;长元音及其表现;第二节,附加成分及其手抄本中的书写;第三节,察哈台维吾尔语中的第25个辅音[ ];第四节,察哈台维吾尔语中的语音和谐;元音和谐;辅音和谐;第五节,语音的变化:元音的变化;辅音的变化;第六节,语音的脱落:元音脱落;辅音脱落;第七节,语音的增音现象;第八节,语音的换位现象;第二章,形态学。第一节,名词:名词的数范畴;名词的单数和复数;名词的双数形式;双数和复数名词的使用特点;第二节,名词的格范畴:主格;属格;向格;宾格;从格;位格;范围格;形似格;界限格;量似格;呼格;工具格;原因格;名次中的代子母n;代子母n和指示代词的一起用法;代子母n和第三人成领属格附加成分的用法;名词的副词化现象;名词作谓语及其特点;方位名词;造名词的词缀;第二节,形容词:形容词级范畴;原级;减弱级;加强级;指小表爱级;最高级;重叠形容词;对偶形容词;同一对偶形容词;反义对偶形容词;形容词作名词用;形容词作副词用;造形容词的词缀;第三节,代词:人称代词;指示代词;指近代词;指远代词;反身代词;集合代词;确定代词;不定代词;否定代词; 疑问代词;第四节,副词:时间副词;地点副词;程度副词;状态副词;副词化的词语;造副词的词缀;第五节,数词:基本数词和复合数词;数词的形态分类:基数词;序数词;约数词;份数词;分配数词;人称数词;第六节,动词:动词种类:单纯动词;派生动词;复合动词;动词的静词形式:动名词;形动词;副动词;目的动词;动词的《时》范畴:过去时;宽时;现在--将来时;动词的《式》范畴:条件式;愿望式;祈使式;必须式;可能式;第七节,虚词:连词:并列连词;选择连词;原因连词;结果连词;深化连词;转折连词;强调连词;概括连词;解说连词;后置词;感叹词;第八节,语气词:感叹语气词;指示语气词;答复语气词。第三章,句法。第一节,词组:名词性词组:同位词组;偏正词组;伊扎菲词组:阿拉伯语伊扎菲词组;波斯语伊扎菲词组;动词性词组:动名词组;形动词组;副动词组;助动词组;第二节,句子及其种类:按句子结构分类:单句;复句:条件复句;补充复句;带连词的复句;按谓语分类:动词句:单纯动词句;复合动词句;派生动词句;名词句;按谓语的位置分类:正常句;倒装句;按句义分类:肯定句;否定句;疑问句;祈使句;第三节,多主语,多谓语的复杂句; 第三部:手抄本样品及其它:回历历算法;把公历变成回历的公式;把回历变成公历的公式;摘自手抄本名著《伊米德史》片断,共136页(手抄本原文257-395页)。 总而言之,这部《察哈台维吾尔语通论》,是作者在近30年的教学与学习实践中,在反复阅读上百万字的手抄本原文的基础上,把普通语言学理论与察哈台维吾尔语的实际情况相结合而写成的。作为教材使用,同学们以及同行们普遍认为,陈述详细全面,论证扎实可信,例子丰富多彩,理论和实践结合得非常恰当,很好地涵盖了察哈台语课程的内容,是一部优秀的精品教材。 察哈台维吾尔语课开课已经30周年,经过维吾尔语言文学系及课程主讲教师们的不断努力,该课程已成为维吾尔语言文学系的一门特色课程。其教学质量和效果达到了全国领先的水平,吸引了越来越多的本科生和研究生到中央民族大学来求学深造。--------------------------------------------------------------------------------课程责任人:阿布都鲁甫教授博士,中国权威的察哈台维吾尔语专家,中央民族大学教授。阿布都鲁甫教授察哈台语方面的主要研究成果目录如下。 1- 专著:《察哈台语》(与哈米提·铁木尔教授合著)喀什维吾尔文出版社1986年。 该专著1989年荣获国家民委颁发的优秀科研成果三等奖。 《维吾尔语词汇学》 喀什维吾尔文出版社 1995年。该专著1996年荣获北京市级优秀科研成果二等奖。 1997年荣获第三届全国民族图书三等奖。 《察哈台维吾尔语通论》 民族出版社2004年。 该书为教材的课程《察哈台维吾尔语》2006年荣获北京市及精品课程 《维吾尔十二木卡姆原文歌词集》民族出版社2005年2- 《纳瓦依两种语言之辩》(与哈米提·铁木尔教授合作)民族出版社1988年。3- 《从〈两种语言之辩〉到〈双语教育〉》《新疆文化》杂志2002年6期。4- 《察哈台维吾尔语研究文集》 民族出版社 1993年。1- 专著:《察哈台语》(与哈米提·铁木尔教授合著)喀什维吾尔文出版社1986年。 该专著1989年荣获国家民委颁发的优秀科研成果三等奖。 《维吾尔语词汇学》 喀什维吾尔文出版社 1995年。该专著1996年荣获北京市级优秀科研成果二等奖。 1997年荣获第三届全国民族图书三等奖。 2 – 《察哈台维吾尔语通论》 民族出版社2004年。 该书为教材的课程《察哈台维吾尔语》2006年荣获北京市及精品课程 《维吾尔十二木卡姆原文歌词集》民族出版社2005年2- 《纳瓦依两种语言之辩》(与哈米提·铁木尔教授合作)民族出版社1988年。3- 《从〈两种语言之辩〉到〈双语教育〉》《新疆文化》杂志2002年6期。4- 《察哈台维吾尔语研究文集》 民族出版社 1993年。 摘自:http://www.uighurbiz.cn/EDU/MZJY/200611/2568.html

http://www.kashghari.com/zh-cn/viewthread.php?tid=75&extra=page%3D1

Sunday, December 2, 2007

What's Google?

"What's Google?"
Regarding Daniel's point on child poverty and the promise the internet has for linking kids to a world that'd otherwise remain inaccessible, I want to tell a quick story. Grant, one of my closest friends, works with Amnesty International going into urban areas of Chicago and teaching the students about human rights. A recent lesson plan of his focused on Abu Ghraib and American attitudes towards torture. Towards the end of the lesson he noted that further pictures, documents and information could be found on Google. One student raised his hand and, not joking, said:
"What's a google?"
He wasn't the only one in the class not to know. We take it for granted that the information revolution sweeping through our lives has, to some degree or another, rippled into every crevice of America. It hasn't. And while modems aren't a silver bullet to poverty and despair, they do provide those hoping for a better life but sequestered in an impoverished one with the opportunity to tap into worlds beyond what they know. Using the net, you can look at colleges, e-mail admissions officers, read blogs, scan the news, meet new people, read new things, and on and on. Will everyone use the computer for that purpose? Of course not, most will hone in on the porn. But for those who do want to expand their horizons, giving them that opportunity is a moral imperative.

from: http://ezraklein.typepad.com/blog/2005/04/whats_google.html

Friday, November 30, 2007

The Mehmud Kashghari 2

The picture of Mehmud Kashghari


The Mehmud Kashghari

The picture of Mehmud Kashghari


The Uyghur naan and darvaz girl





Abou Uyghurs

Uyghur (ooey-GHUR say Uyghurs, WEE-gur say Americans), also spelled Uighur, is the name of an ethnic group of people mainly live in Xinjiang (means "new frontier" in Chinese) Uyghur Autonomous Region of China , and their language. Historically the term "Uyghur" means "united" or "allied", and was applied to a group of Turkic-speaking tribes that once ruled what is now Mongolia. The Uyghurs were one of the largest and most enduring Turkic peoples living in Central Asia.
Records show that the Uyghurs have a history of more than 4000 years. Situated along a section of the legendary Silk Road, Uyghurs played an important role in cultural exchanges between the East and West and developed a unique culture and civilization of their own. Uyghur culture is a rich lifestyle centred around the family, food, dance and music. Uyghur architecture, particularly their religious architecture is quite fine and as reflective of a glorious past. Uyghur religion has also played a major part in Uyghur culture and has has evolved through several transitions including Shamanism, Manachaeism, Buddhism and even Christianity before Islam became the predominate religion. Each has added indelibly to the richness of Uyghur culture.
Uyghur communities were typically based in oases or fertile valleys, growing cereals and fruit. The strategic importance of these oasis bazaars enabled many Uyghur traders to become key middlemen on the Silk Road caravan routes between the Orient and Europe.
Now, over 9.3 million Uyghurs live in Uyghur Region of China. Some major cities in the east and south of China also have small Uyghur communities. Several hundred thousand Uyghurs live in communities worldwide in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, in Turkey, Europe, North America and Australia.

Tuesday, November 6, 2007

维吾尔文字演变中的宗教承传作用

《语言与翻译》
2000年第1期
总第61期

O语言研究O 维吾尔文字演变中的宗教承传作用
刘平
文字是记录语言的书写符号系统,是辅助和扩大语言社会交际的工具。文字的这种交际功能决定了它必然受社会的制约,脱离使用文字的社会因素,是难以研究文字的发展演变的。 宗教是一种社会意识形态,当人们考察既

Thursday, October 18, 2007

《维吾尔民间文学大典》中华民族的优秀文化遗产

中国新闻出版报/2006 年/5 月/25 日/第015 版
新疆专刊
阿布都热合曼•艾白
维吾尔民间文学,是维吾尔人民漫长历史、丰富生活和实践经验、知识哲理的积累,是形成本民族深刻的哲学思想、政治制度、宗教信仰、风俗习惯、心理特征和语言财富的深厚基石。因此,在研究维吾尔人的历史、宗教、世界观、社会生活和民族文化时,作为书面文学之母,民间文学无疑是丰富的资料来源。为了继承这一珍贵的文化财富,维吾尔民间文学搜集研究工作始终不渝地进行着,特别是近50 年来,在我国,尤其是在新疆维吾尔自治区,这方面工作取得了重大的成绩。在各级政府的领导和大力支持下,对维吾尔民间文学进行了多次搜集、整理工作,出版了大量的维吾尔民间文学读物,并开展了研究工作,取得了显著的成绩。为了对大量的维吾尔民间文学读物进行科学整理、体裁分类,特别是忠实原著、保持风格、筛选精辟,新疆人民出版社于1998 年组织20 多名民间文学专家成立了编委会。编委会下设“神话传说、童话、寓言故事整理组”、“民间叙事诗整理组”、“民间歌谣整理组”、“谚语、谜语整理组”、“历来搜集、整理、编辑、翻译、研究维吾尔民间文学突出贡献者档案建立组”、“美术组”等,每个组设一名负责人。该编委会在目前出版的有关维吾尔民间文学作品、资料等的基础上投入了《维吾尔民间文学大典》的编撰工作,并在6 年内完成了对作品的最后筛选、统稿、定稿等工作。在上述工作基础上,终于编辑出版了完整、系统的《维吾尔民间文学大典》(共12 卷)。该套《维吾尔民间文学大典》收入了250 篇神话传说,1786 篇民间童话、寓言、笑话,9000 条谚语,31 首民间叙事诗,9500 首民间歌谣,1550 条民间谜语,117 种麦西来甫游戏,以及400 条民俗注解,200 种民间服饰标本,4667 名有突出贡献的民间艺术家和民俗家等,总字数为2000万字。《维吾尔民间文学大典》(下称《大典》)不仅是维吾尔族的文化宝典,而且也是维吾尔族整体文化的代表作品。版面规格采用了维吾尔古代书籍传统的8 开本。版式设计采用了维吾尔传统的刺绣艺术风格,收入了委托著名画家创作的5000 多幅反映维吾尔古代文化生活的美术作品。在版面的适当处插入了具有维吾尔特色的雕刻、建筑图案等艺术插图,形成了(大典》版面绚丽多彩的独特风格。《大典》作为维吾尔民间文化遗产宝典,具有很高的文化遗产收藏价值,《大典》的出版,无论在内容的思想性、艺术性、知识性方面,还是载体形式或印刷质量等方面,都开创了现代维吾尔出版、印刷业崭新的一页。为满足广大读者对文化经典的迫切需求,新疆人民出版社还将出版《大典》的一套30 种单行本。读者可根据自己的需求,可以成套购买,也可以单本购买。另外,为培养青少年继承和发扬民族优秀文化传统的思想品德,使他们全面了解和认识民族优秀文化遗产,还从《大典》里精选出适合青少年阅读的作品,即将出版100 种维吾尔民间文学少儿读物。相信这套读物一定会深受广大青少年读者的喜爱,并将会成为畅销读物。

维吾尔民族族服饰文化

维吾尔服饰形式清晰,纹饰多样,色彩鲜明,图案古朴,工艺精堪,其发展演变规律清楚,有些服饰款式与新疆出土衣物颇为相似,体现了一个地区、一个文化的历史沉淀。又具有鲜明的民族文化特色的审美接受范式,从中窥见民族服饰的传承性与地域性的习俗。    “袷袢”,喜用彩色条状绸作面料,这是一种深受欢迎的传统式衣料名“切克曼”,其次是“拜合散”,它织造细密,衣质轻软,是缝制“袷袢”的好面料。年老的则以黑色、深褐色等布料裁制,显得古朴大方。下身多著青色长裤,盖及脚面。讲究的男裤,则在裤角边继饰花卉纹样,多以植物的茎、蔓、枝藤组成连续性纹饰,显得雅致美观。青年男装显得朝气勃勃,复季为白色布面料缝制成合领式衣,其领口、前胸、袖口皆续饰花边,腰部束续花“波塔”(腰巾),其名“托尼”、或“叶克台克”,此衣装不仅淡雅、凉爽,穿著也极便利,再配上青色长裤,著皮靴,全身穿著融汇成浓郁的民族服饰特色,更显青春活力与健美。 &nbsp维吾尔女装:维吾尔妇女爱穿裙装,喜选择鲜艳的丝绸或毛料裁制裙装,常见的有红、大绿、金黄等色的质料,内穿淡色对裙。更偏爱本民族独创的“艾得来丝绸”缝制连衣裙。每逢假日或喜庆佳节,从街市、乡村、山野,随处都可见到身穿不同花色、纹样的艾得来丝绸缝制的花裙。丝绸的花纹如彩云飘飞,色泽明丽,浓郁华丽,透出创造者内含灵性的天赋。维吾尔人誉称它“玉波甫能卡那提古丽”,即给人们带来春天气息之意。美好的祝福。 &nbsp多彩的帽饰与鞋靴:维吾尔花帽不仅选料精良,且工艺精堪,制作小花帽的维吾尔工匠,都有一套“绝活”。花帽的图案与纹样千变万化,各不相同花帽的样式、花纹与图案也与各地域环境的有关,各地的花帽,都具有明显的地方特色。喀什地区花帽样式繁多,尤以男花帽显著,那种以黑底白花纹为主,色彩对比强烈、格调典雅的“巴旦木”图案,按纹饰的线构成的,凌角突起而显出立体感,却把黑白色深印在人们的脑海中。和田、库车地区的花帽则以优质的丝绒面料,又配色彩各异的丝绒编织纹样,疏密有致的穿插,致使纹样透溢出独特韵味。有的花帽镶饰串珠、金银饰片,珠饰圆润光泽,巧妙地运用图案本身结构的因素,使花帽繁花似锦。还有的花帽顶部纹饰凸起,彩线编织细腻,彩球串缀闪亮夺目,是新娘的喜爱之物。吐鲁番地区的花帽则以色彩艳丽著称,那大红的花纹配上翠绿的花纹,宛如朵朵绚丽的奇葩。伊犁地区的花帽,不仅突出线纹的流动感,它的特色具有素雅、大方的优点,花帽造型扁浅圆巧,纹样简炼概括。  身着艾迪莱丝绸的维吾尔少女:“艾迪莱丝”丝绸图案纹样据说是古代维吾尔人信奉萨满教崇拜树神、水神的宗教意识的反映,也有人说是巴旦木纹、梳子纹以及民族乐器变形纹样。   一个民族服饰的发展达到了某种理想状态,象征著这一民族服饰演变到了娴熟的阶段,呈现了该民族服饰文化独特的价值。

Saturday, September 22, 2007

阿尔泰学的诞生与发展

作者:阿力木江·托乎提


中央民族大学维吾尔语言文学系04级研究生


我们谈到阿尔泰学的诞生之前,首先要探讨“阿尔泰学”这一概念及其含意。同时要阐述“阿尔泰”这一词的来历。阿尔泰学在广义上讲是研究操用阿尔泰语系诸语言文字和文化历史的学问。狭义上指对阿尔泰语系诸语言和文字的研究。阿尔泰语系是世界八大语系之一,包括蒙古语族、突厥语族和满洲—通古斯语族语言(有的也包括朝鲜语和日语)。 阿尔泰理论问题,也可以说就是阿尔泰语系问题。“阿尔泰学”这一词由阿尔泰山而得名。阿尔泰山位于新疆北部。。。直到目前为止围绕阿尔泰这一理论问题仍然有许多争议。争议的主要焦点就是承不承认有阿尔泰语系,或只说阿尔泰语系内的语言之间的关系是什么?批次之间是亲缘关系,还是借贷关系。一些学者认为从亚洲东部到欧洲东部的许多语言有亲属关系。再具体些讲,从北起亚洲大陆的东部,包括中国北部和西北部各地,蒙古,中亚,西伯利亚南部,伏尔加地区和土耳其,南至近东和巴尔干半岛,这样一个广阔地域内的批次之间有亲属关系的语言,语言学上称之为阿尔泰语言。由这些语言组成的语系叫阿尔泰语系。该语系包括突厥语组,蒙古语族和通古斯•满语族。19世纪以来,随着欧洲现代语言科学的发展,历史比较语言学也得到了科学证明。在印欧语系诸语言同出于一个共同语族的事实被科学证明之后,阿尔泰语言学也作为一门学科产生并蓬勃发展起来。印欧语系诸语言间的亲属关系得到语言科学证明之后,语言学界把历史比较语言学理论和方法试图应用到其他语言的谱系分类上来。譬如,“阿尔泰语言学理论”认为:突厥语族、蒙古语族、满洲—通古斯语族诸语言和朝鲜语(有的也包括日本语)同属于一个语系,这些语言之间具有同源关系。第一注意到突厥,蒙古,通古斯•满等语言之间存在着相似点的学者是瑞典军官冯•斯特拉林贝尔格(von Stralingberg)。他曾多年在俄罗斯东部各地调查研究某些乌戈尔-芬兰语,突厥语,蒙古语以及其他语言,于18世纪上半叶,提出阿尔泰语和其他语言之间的关系的第一个假设,称之为“塔塔尔诸语言”,并分作六个语群。使用这六个语群语言的人是1.乌戈尔-芬兰人,匈奴人;2.突尔科-塔塔尔人;3.萨莫耶德的人;4.蒙古人和满洲人;5.通古斯人;6.居住在黑海和里海间各部落的人。大约一个世纪后,丹麦语言学家拉斯克(Rasmus Rask)将“塔塔尔诸语言”重新命名为“斯基泰诸语言(The Scythian languages)”,并将其中所包括的语言作了调整,其中有:突厥语,蒙古语,通古斯-满语,乌戈尔-芬兰语,爱斯基摩语,古亚洲诸语,高加索诸语以及古代欧洲非印欧语居住的语言。19世纪中叶,随着印欧语言比较研究的发展,语言学发展到一个新的历史时期,语言比较研究在语言科学中兴盛起来。学者们确立了语言同源关系的一个重要标准即语言的形态结构。由于阿尔泰诸语言和大量其他语言有粘着的语言结构,这一特征则成为判断是否相关语言的主要原则。从芬兰学者M•A•卡斯特林开始,有关阿尔泰理论问题,进入了一个新的时代。卡氏是第一个应用语言学的标准来判断假定同族语言的人。他认为语言同源性的本质是与俗的一致性。在排除了语言之后,他认为乌戈尔-芬兰语,萨莫耶德语,突厥语,蒙古语和通古斯-满语才构成一个相关的语群,并论证了上述诸语言的“人称词尾”的一致性后,称之为阿尔泰语。在卡斯特林的论集中,被称为阿尔泰语的诸语言,现在被称为乌拉尔-阿尔泰语言。其中有两个语群:乌拉尔语群和阿尔泰语群。前者包括乌戈尔-芬兰语和萨莫耶德语,后者包括突厥语,蒙古语和通古斯-满语,朝鲜语。以比较语言学为基础研究乌拉尔-阿尔泰诸语言及其间的关系的学者应首推硕特教授。在他之前,除了卡斯特林以外,其他人只凭结构的相似对乌拉尔-阿尔泰诸语言作了一般性观察,而硕特教授在观察词汇的对应关系的同时,兼顾形态特征。他用以称呼乌拉尔语的术语是楚德语,用以称阿尔泰语言的术语为塔塔尔语。并统称为楚德-塔塔尔语族或阿尔泰语族。自从硕特提出了他们的理论和提交了研究论著之后,语言学家们的研究方向开始有了新的转向,他们已不再将研究的是兴趣集中的乌拉尔-阿尔泰语系这两个语群的对比和研究上,而是把方向转向每个语群内部诸语言的比较研究上,但不等于说乌拉尔-阿尔泰语的比较研究就此而停着不前。法国的语言学家索瓦惹奥,美国的D•赛诺,俄罗斯人类学家史禄国等人仍在继续他们的探讨。阿尔泰比较语言学的创始人是芬兰学者著名的语言学教授G•J•兰司铁(G.J.Ramstedt,1873—1950)。

Monday, September 10, 2007

维吾尔族舞蹈家——迪丽娜尔•阿布都拉

原载: 光明日报/2006 年/6 月/16 日/第008 版
文化周刊
梁宾宾
迪丽娜尔•阿布都拉,1966 年4 月出生。她4 岁时开始学习舞蹈,6 岁时能用维吾尔乐器都它尔自弹自唱。在几十年的舞蹈生涯中,她凭着一个艺术家的智慧和灵性,创作并演出了许多优美的民族舞蹈,塑造了众多明朗、欢快的舞蹈艺术形象。她多次获得国际、全国和自治区舞蹈大奖,以自己的艺术实践,弘扬了维吾尔族舞蹈艺术,为推动少数民族舞蹈事业的发展做出了突出的贡献。她先后出访过东亚、西亚、北美洲、拉丁美洲、欧洲等几十个国家,向世界展示了中华民族传统歌舞的风采。迪丽娜尔•阿布都拉不但业务过硬,在思想品德方面也有较高的追求。几年来,她除了完成自治区的演出任务外,还积极参加中国文联、中国舞协组织的各种采风和义演活动,为中国文联“朝霞工程”捐款6000 元,并多次为贫困地区孤寡老人捐款。多年来,迪丽娜尔•阿布都拉热爱自己的事业,对舞蹈艺术不懈地追求与探索。她的舞蹈代表作有《盘子舞》、《阿图什》、《摘葡萄》、《新疆姑娘》、《冰山之火》、《心愿》、《达坂城的姑娘》等。曾获得全国少数民族舞蹈比赛一等奖,文化部“文华表演奖”,日本大阪国际艺术节“最高表演奖”,香港回归大型晚会“金奖”,朝鲜“四月之春国际艺术节金奖”。被国务院授予“全国少数民族团结模范先进个人”称号,被全国青联授予“中国十大杰出青年”称号,获“全国五一劳动奖章”,并荣获中国文联“德艺双馨”奖。迪丽娜尔•阿布都拉能有今天的成功,与她多年的勤奋分不开,她的生活内容只有演出和练功。在维吾尔族舞蹈中,“双膝跳”和“跪板腰”是舞蹈技艺中难度较大的动作,它要求舞者腾空而起,落地后双膝迅速着地,这样很容易造成关节挫伤。在迪丽娜尔二十多年的舞蹈生涯中,她的双膝一直经受着常人难以想象的“磨炼”,经常是瘀血斑斑,双膝的软组织严重损伤。在这样的情况下,她也没有放弃舞蹈,常常是治疗、练功、演出同步进行。无论刮风还是下雨,她从不间断练功。一次到一个偏僻小县演出,没有练功场地,她就在县政府招待所的水泥地上练功,直练得两个膝盖鲜血淋漓。现在,她已经是两个孩子的母亲了,但仍然在坚持练功。她表演的《摘葡萄》,以快速旋转的舞技,通过生动细腻的动作和表情,把维吾尔族姑娘面对丰收的喜悦心情和她们活泼的个性表现得入木三分,让观众惊叹不已。那年到韩国参加舞蹈大赛,她是带着伤痛去的,刚一出现在舞台上,就看到许多观众举着她跳葡萄舞时的大幅剧照,用生硬的中国话喊着:“葡萄,葡萄!”迪丽娜尔•阿布都拉深受鼓舞,精神振作,一下子忘记了自己的双膝有伤,咬紧牙关,把一个个高难度的动作舞得一丝不苟,精彩的表演让她捧回了“世界和平奖”的金杯。1985 年,迪丽娜尔•阿布都拉举办了独舞晚会,出色的表演让舞蹈大师康巴尔汗感动得热泪盈眶。1989 年,她随前国家主席杨尚昆前往埃及、科威特等国家访问演出,受到时任埃及总统穆巴拉克的高度称赞。1999 年,她表演的独舞《戴羽毛的姑娘》受到江泽民等党和国家领导人的高度称赞。中外报刊称她为“天山上的雪莲花”、“飞翔的舞星”,贾作光称赞她:“像初升的太阳,光芒四射”。迪丽娜尔•阿不都拉不但对自己的艺术精益求精,还十分关注新疆少数民族舞蹈事业的发展。她介绍说,目前新疆有些文艺团体处境艰难,一些优秀的、传统的文艺节目,碰到了挖掘、整理方面的很多困难;一些新节目的创作和演出、与国内外的文化交流等,都由于经费不足而受到影响。这个问题如果长期得不到解决,必然会对文化的发展产生制约。为此她利用一切机会,多次呼吁国家对民族地区文化事业的发展要加大投入力度,特别是应该在扶持有代表性的文艺团体、推出优秀文艺作品、培养文艺人才方面,制定出切实可行的方案,使新疆少数民族艺术和国家的文化事业得到全面的发展。

中国唯一的也是国际上唯一的以维吾尔语言文学命名的系

中央民族大学维吾尔语言文学系简介(中国唯一的也是国际上唯一的以维吾尔语言文学命名的系)维吾尔语言文学系在原维哈柯语言文学系一分为二的基础上于2004年4月15日正式成立的。这是全国唯一的也是国际上唯一的以维吾尔语言文学命名的系。维吾尔语言文学专业是中央民族大学(原中央民族学院)建立最早的几个专业之一,设立于1951年。1952年北京大学东语系维吾尔语科的全体师生并入,隶属于中央民族学院少数民族语言文学系。1986年2月她与哈萨克、柯尔克孜语言文学等专业一起独立建系,曾被称为“少数民族语言文学二系”、“突厥语言文化系”、“维哈柯语言文学系”等。维吾尔语言文学系自从2004年4月15日正式成立之后,标志着该专业经过50多年的发展壮大,已经到了比较成熟的阶段,她的成立预示着维吾尔语言文学学科今后将得到更广的发展空间和更多的发展机遇。 我系维吾尔语言文学专业师资力量雄厚。经过近半个世纪教学科研活动的锤炼,该专业形成了一支具有较高素质的师资队伍。在本系成立以前先后有李森、哈米提•铁木尔、耿世民、米尔苏力唐、刘学珍、魏翠一、胡振华、高士杰、易坤琇、潘振宇、吐尔逊•吾守尔、夏木西丁、吾普尔江、董文芳、王德文、吐尔逊•阿尤甫、丁文楼、毕桪、王庭杰、王振忠等国内外知名的教授、学者在该专业执教。目前我系教职工共有15人,其中教授3名,副教授2名,8人具有硕士以上学位。 我系维吾尔语言文学专业的科研水平在国内一直处于领先地位,有些方面已接近或达到国际水平,科研成果令世人瞩目。目前,我系教师已出版50多部专著、译著和教材,发表学术论文1100多篇。其中耿世民教授的《维吾尔古代文化和文献概论》、《维吾尔古代文献研究》、哈米提教授的《现代维吾尔语语法》(形态学)、阿布都鲁甫教授的《维吾尔语词汇学》、吐尔逊•阿尤甫教授和买提热依木教授编译出版的回鹘文文献《金光明经》、力提甫教授主编的《阿尔泰语言学导论》等一批学术论著分获省部级以上优秀科研成果一、二、三等奖。 我系维吾尔语言文学专业的国际学术交流活动活跃。半个世纪以来,本专业先后有18人曾经或正在美国、德国、日本、土耳其、奥地利、荷兰、埃及、伊拉克、俄罗斯、乌兹别克斯坦、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、土库曼斯坦、阿塞拜疆等国家工作、讲学、访问研究、进修、参加学术会议;同时邀请这些国家的学者来我系进行学术访问或讲学10多人次,为提高专业水平、加强国际合作、扩大该系和我校乃至我国突厥语言学科的影响,起到了重要作用。 我系维吾尔语言文学专业作为全国首批获国务院批准的硕士学位授予资格的专业,以及作为国家保护和扶持的国家级重点学科,已于1979年起招收硕士学位研究生,1993年起招收博士生。目前我系的教学活动覆盖博士研究生、硕士研究生、研修生、本科生等各个层面,专业主要有维吾尔语言文学专业和维英汉翻译专业。主干课程有:《语言学概论》、《突厥语概论》、《文学概论》、《民间文学概论》、《中亚概论》、《现代维吾尔语》《古代突厥语》、《察合台维吾尔语》、《维吾尔语写作》、《论文写作》、《翻译理论与实践》、《贸易翻译》、《维吾尔现代文学》、《维吾尔文学史》、《当代中国文学》、《外国文学》、《维吾尔族历史》、《中级汉语》、《高级汉语》、《汉语语法》、《汉语写作》、《古代汉语》、《外语》、《计算机应用》、《法学概论》、《新疆地区经济》等等。其中古代突厥语、察合台维吾尔语等课程是本专业的一大特色,教学科研水平一直位居国内前列。 在“十一五”期间,我们在办学规模上的定位,即以本科生教学为主,以逐年扩大研究生规模为目标以及每年招收40名以上本科生和10名以上研究生的规划应保留。到2020年前这种办学规模应有大的改变,既逐步以研究生的培养为主,以本科生培养为副。而且在研究生里博士生为主,硕士生为副。同样采取灵活的办学模式,以课堂教学为主,以远程教学为副,培养出更多的高层次人才。在“十一五”期间,我们必须用请进来、派出去的方法,抓紧培养年轻教师和研究生,一方面保证目前领先地位,另一方保证师资队伍中后继有人。对于学生的培养,我们将转变观点,与时俱进,变模本灌输型为辨析民主性、变德智分离型为全面素质型,变传统封闭型为现代开放性。 在我校进入“211工程”和“985工程”的大好局面的推动下,我系全体教职工将会抓住建系带来的有利时机,同心同德,取长补短、开拓创新,为培养我国新时期社会主义建设事业所需的更多的高层次、高素质人才而努力奋斗!

Saturday, September 1, 2007

吐鲁番千年干尸脱衣结束 服饰研究价值颇高

本报乌鲁木齐1月3日电 为期5天的吐鲁番地区千年干尸“脱衣”工作已于日前结束( “脱衣”报道见本报2006年12月24日)。专家认为,干尸的服装及随葬品“完全不同于同时期的服饰,非常有研究价值”。   从去年12月20日开始,新疆吐鲁番地区文物局组织有关专家对这具距今2800多年的萨满教巫师干尸“宽衣解带”。这  具干尸是2003年从新疆吐鲁番地区鄯善县洋海古墓群内发掘出的数百具干尸中的一具男性干尸。5天的“脱衣”过程中,不断有新的发现让专家们惊喜不已。在脱内层衣服时,一件衣服没有开襟、没有正面、没有侧面,类似披风又不是披风的“奇装异服”让专家们感到惊奇。这件衣服只在脖子处有一圆形口子,能将衣服套在身上。此“披风”正面保存还算完整,但背面腐烂比较严重。从干尸手上的权杖和他独特的装束看,在新疆已知的考古发现中绝无仅有,非常珍贵。据专家初步判断,此干尸主人为萨满教巫师无疑。干尸的裤子也很特别,共有三道花纹,不像以前从干尸揭取的那些裤子,没有一点图案。其腰带也很别致。腰带宽四五厘米,黄棕色相配,非常讲究,上面点缀有小三角形花纹,应是新疆本地产的羊毛染织成的。专家认为,这展示了那个时期发达的毛纺织工艺。   下一步,专家将对干尸身上揭取下来的服装进行清洗,然后研究它的经线、纬线及其织法,并和古代同时期的服饰文化进行对比。从对干尸“脱衣”的过程中,专家们对干尸所表达出的一些重要信息也有了初步的判定。干尸头部额头束头带上镶有的海贝,经考证不是产于太平洋海域,而是产于印度洋海域。这说明2000多年前,张骞开凿丝绸之路之前,远古新疆地区的居民跟印度洋沿岸居民已经有一种间接贸易的方式,这是此次揭衣发现的一个重要的远古信息。干尸所着毛织品上的很多纹样不是把毛织品织好后染上去的,而是用不同的毛线织成这个花色的。这些纹饰代表着从欧洲开始的当时印欧语系民族普遍使用的一种纹饰,说明拥有印欧文化的居民在2000多年前最东已经分布到新疆吐鲁番盆地。   而专家们又发现,墓葬内出土的东西包括服装与远古游牧民族的起源地之一——新疆阿尔泰山周围曾经出土的文物相吻合,在洋海墓地还发现了战国时期的丝绸,这种来自中原的文物应该是通过民间贸易传过来的,并且是在张骞出使西域之前,说明了前丝绸之路的存在。从中可以看出,从很古老的时候,新疆吐鲁番就是东西南北文化交流的一个十字路口。

论维吾尔语口语中句子的语用变化现象(续)

一.语序及其分类语序是一种语法手段。广义语序分为词序和语序两种,其功能分三个层次,分别决定结构是否成立,结构关系和语气意义。在影响结构成立与否中起作用的叫词序;影响或改变强调重点表达不同语气意义的是语序。在具体语言中正常语序的不同变化不仅是一种句法现象,而且是一种语用变化现象。第一种,词序是词类的排列顺序;第二种,语序是句子成分的排列顺序;第三种,是词语的逻辑身份的排列顺序,可称为“逻辑顺序” 。常说的语序指前两种,主要词序和语序。它们虽均属排列顺序,但层次不一样。“词序”是较基础的和具体的排列,它往往决定结构成立与否,也常常决定着结构关系(像汉语一样形态不发达的孤立语中)。形态不发达的语言中,“语序”建立在“词序”基础上,是一束词序抽象的结果,因为主语、谓语、宾语、定语、状语等句子成分的不同是语序,而结构关系又是词序决定的。逻辑语序是形态不发达语言中对“词序”的补充。像维吾尔语一样形态发达的语言,词序虽然仍决定结构的成立与否,但在决定结构关系中的作用和重要性要小得多,语序不是建立在词序的基础上,而是建立在形态的基础上。比如:(3)a:mänsämätnikö(r)düm. / 我见了塞买提。 b:sämätni män kördüm. / 直译:把塞买提我见了。在(3)例中决定结构关系成立的不是词序,而是形态标志。缺乏形态标志就影响句子结构的成立。如;(4)a:mänsämätnikördüm.b:mänsämätkö(r)在(4)例中,b缺乏形态标志“ni”(把,宾格)和“di”(过去时),“m”(第一人称)。 这样就不符合维吾尔语语法规则,不成其为句子了。有时词序在决定结构关系中也有作用。如果词序移位就会影响句子结构或其意思。如:(5) a:u,bahasi čüškän ajallarniŋ ajiγini setiwaldi.b:u ajallarniŋ bahasi čüškän ajiγini setiwaldi. /他买了一双降价的女式鞋子。在(5)例中把ajallarniŋ bahasi čüškän ajiγini(降价的女式鞋子)的词序改为bahasi čüškän ajallarniŋ ajiγini(降价女士的鞋子)意思就根本不一样了。这是我们所说的逻辑词序。(6) uŋgu amerikini äŋ čoŋ ojunčuq bilän tämin-läjdiγan dölätkä ajlandi.(中国已经成为给美国提供最大玩具的国家。)在(6)例中äŋ čoŋ“最大”应该修饰dölät“国家”这个词才对。即uŋgu amerikini ojunčuq bilän täminläjdiγan äŋ čoŋ dölätkä ajlandi.(中国已经成为给美国提供玩具的最大国家。)这种词序的移位也会影响句子的内容。二、句子成分的易位本文主要探讨的不是词序和逻辑词序问题,而是在口语中常见的句法成分的语用变化现象,即句子成分的倒装现象。以上句中的语序(各成分的排列顺序)发生变化之后,由于其中表达结构关系的形态并未发生变化,结构关系和句子成分的身份并未发生变化,变化的只是强调重点有所不同(语气不同),即是说易位语序的功能,主要表现在表达不同语气方面。易位语序是跟正常语序相对而言的。维吾尔语易位语序的种类及对句子意义的影响,可以归纳为句子成分的前置和后置两大类。(一)句子成分的前置主题化移位是把句子的某个成分移到句子的前面或比较突出的位置上,作为话题的主要内容来谈论。所以主题化移位是一种句子成分的前置,维吾尔语的主题化现象是普遍的,主题化是前移的,没有一个是后移的。因此,句子成分的前置是一种主题化现象。但应该注意的是,主题化现象并不总是等于句子成分的前置。主语的正常位置在句首,可在口语中也有谓语,宾语,状语前置的三种现象。1. 谓语的前置维吾尔语主语在谓语之前,但在实际口语中也常见谓语前置的情况。1)谓语置于主语之前,即“谓语+主语”。如;(7)hič bilmidim, män. / 什么也不知道,我。(8)kätkänti, ular. / 去了,他们。2)谓语置于宾语之前,即“谓语+宾语”。如;(9)čüšänmidimγu, buni. / 我不懂,把这个。(10)e(li)p keti, bu balini. / 你带走,把这孩子。3)谓语置于状语之前,即“谓+状”。如:(11)käp (kelip) qala(r), ihtimal. / 会来吧,可能。(12)kö(r)gilkini kö(r)sitimän, texi. / 直译:我要给你点颜色看看,还。谓语的前置是维吾尔语口语中常见的一种语用现象,强调点落在谓语上。谓语前置无论在主语前还是宾语或状语前,均突出谓语(往往同时取消原有话题)而被后置的部分,主语,宾语,状语只是附带提到的部分,同时往往表达一种提醒,告戒等语用意义。4)口号性句子,是一种说话者为了在口号里表达强烈的感情,把Np和vp的位置颠倒过来,主—谓倒装,这也是一种谓语的前置。如;(13)jašisun mao zedong! / 直译:万岁毛泽东!(即“毛泽东万岁!”)(14) jašap kät γini! / 好样儿的,艾力!在(13)和(14)例中,为了表达强烈的感情jašisun和jašap kät等谓语部分移到句首。2. 宾语的前置宾语置于主语之前,即“宾语+主语”(宾语的正常语序一般在于主语之后:主语+宾语+谓语)。如;(15)kitapni alim e(li)p kätti. / 直译:把书,阿里木拿走了。(16)kijimlärni anam jujwätti. / 直译:把衣服,妈妈洗了。上面所举例子的语用特点是:以宾语为话题,强调对宾语客体的处置性或同时强调主语是某一方。在(15)和(16)例中的宾语kitapni(把书),kijimlärni(把衣服)是句子的话题,即句子的已知信息(旧信息),alim(阿里木),anam(我的妈妈)是句子强调的部分,也就是句子的未知信息(新信息),因为表达的重心应该放在alim(阿里木),anam(我的妈妈)上。还有一个语言事实是,由疑问代词kim(谁)作主语的疑问句,kim(谁)的位置很自然位于宾语之后。如;(17)ačqučni kim aldi? / 直译:把钥匙,谁拿走了?(18)öjni kim tazilidi? / 直译:把房子,谁打扫了?在(17)和(18)例中表达的重心是“kim”(谁),即句子的新信息,其重要原因是强调的是疑问代词“kim”(谁)。3. 状语的前置状语的正常语序一般是在谓语之前,主语之后。状语的前置则是状语在主语之前。如:(19)säl turup män saa ejtip beräj. / 稍等一会儿,我给你说。(20)uniγa kiräklik närsilä(r)ni sän a(l)γač ba(r)γin. / 他需要的东西你带去吧!(19)和(20)例中säl turup、uniγa等状语为话题,突出主语和谓语。还有一个特殊的情况是bar(有)、joq(没有)当谓语,位格名词、代词等做状语时,状语在主语之前的是正常语序,这不是倒装情况。如;(21)unida hič nimä joq. / 他什么都没有。(22)mändä azraq pul ba(r) / 我有一点钱。句子成分的前置是句子正常语序发生语用变化的一种语法现象,其中谓语的前置在口语或诗歌里很常见,其重要原因除了能起到句法,修辞作用之外,还能起语用作用和具有语用价值。至于宾语的前置和状语的前置,不像谓语的前置那样口语性很强。在诗歌里谓语的前置情况。如;daqirajsän härküni šundaq, 你真是个无知的傻瓜,saraŋmu sän ošalmajdiγan. 每夜都无休无止地唱歌。ja adämgä ujqa bärmäjsän, 你把我的睡意都撵走了,qandaq naxša bu tügimäjdiγan? 什么歌值得你如此入魔?(tejipčan elijop) 在这首诗中,为了诗歌的修辞作用,谓语daqirajsän(唱歌)发生了前置现象。倒装,即不正常语序(inversion)就是利用不整齐的句子成分,把常式句变为变式句, 从而达到修辞目的的一种修辞形式。 除现代诗歌之外,在古代诗歌里也巧妙地利用倒装现象提高诗歌的修辞效果。在《福乐智慧》里常见这种现象。如;nägükä tusulγaj saa bu özüm özükä özü ök tusul tut sözüm.我怎么能给你带来利益听我话,得益须靠自己在察哈台维吾尔语的诗歌里也常见这种现象。如:baši ketär demägil qorqutup meni zahid,muhäbbät ählini istärim ta ajaγim bar. 请勿以死威吓我这苦行者,为追求爱情我将奋斗到底。在诗歌中baši ketär dimägil也是谓语前置的倒装现象。(二)句子成分的后置句子成分的后置与前置有密切的关系。某句子成分在前置过程中,实际上同时又是相关成分的后置。维吾尔语谓语原来在句末,可是在口语中也有主语、宾语、状语、定语的后置。这种正常语序的变化在口语中是一种常见的语用现象。1. 主语的后置主语位于谓语后或句末,即“谓+主”。如;(23)qajsi küni kälgän kiši šu, u. / 那天来的人是,他。 (24)talliwal, sän. / 随便挑, 你。在上面的例子中,u(他),sän(你)都是句子的主语部分移到了谓语的后面,谓语移到了主语的前面。这也算主谓移位句。为了强调句子的重心,先说句子的重要信息,即新信息——谓语部分,然后说不重要的部分,即旧信息。这种句子在实际交际中是很常用的。这是维吾尔口语中最典型的语法现象,也是为了某种语用目的而采用的语用变化。2. 宾语的后置宾语位于谓语后面,即“谓+宾”。宾语在句子中是动词所表示的行为动作涉及的对象或产生的结果。谓语是句中对主语加以表述的部分,即谓语是解释,说明,描绘,判断主语的成分。维吾尔语宾语和谓语的正常位置一般是谓语在后,宾语在前,这是正常的语序。在实际语言交际中语序有所变化,即宾谓倒装的变化。这是为了某种语用价值而用的,所以这种变化在语用学上称为语用语序。这是维吾尔口语中经常发生的语序移位现象。如:(25)šundaqmu bozäk ätkän ba(r)mu adämni. / 怎么这么欺负,把人。(26)boldi! boldi! jänä kona xamanni sorγili turdiγu, almisam almidim, undaq gadajni qizini.算了!算了!别老提过去的事儿,没娶就没娶, 把穷光蛋的女儿。(zunun qadir“γunčäm”146 bät)(25)、(26)两句都是宾谓倒装,宾语在谓语后面。这为了某种语用目的,把句法语序变成语用语序,先强调重要信息——谓语,然后说宾语。3. 状语的后置维吾尔语状语的正常位置是在被修饰语之前,即状语是修饰其后面的动词、形容词、动词词组或形容词词组的成分。但在实际交际中这种正常位置有变化,即状语在谓语之后。这是状语和谓语语序移位的句子,也就是状语后置的句子,口语中也有状语后置的各种情况。如: 1) 状语是从格的名词、代词等(27)taza bir aččiγimni čiqirwalaj, sändin. / 让我好好出出气,拿你。(直译:从你。)(28)qeni bähozur a(l)sila, göšliridin. / 请痛快地吃,那些肉。(直译:从那些肉。)这两个例句的状语都是带有从格附加成分(-din/-tin)的名词或代词,其位置都移到谓语之后,原来的正常语序发生了语用变化。这种移位现象在句子中有补充作用。2) 状语是位格的名词、代词等(29)kimni saqlawatisiz bu jä(r)dä. / 你等谁呀,在这儿。(30)apla! ačqučumni untup qaptimän jataqta. / 天哪!我忘了钥匙,在宿舍。这两个例句的状语都是带有位格附加成分(-da/-dä/-ta/-tä)的名词,其位置都移到谓语之后,原来的正常语序也发生了语用变化。3) 状语是向格的名词、代词等(31)nmä bala tägdi bügün uni aγziγa. / 怎么了今天,他管不住自己的嘴。(32)xoš xäwärni tizraq deginäšbizgä. / 伙计,快把喜讯说一说吧,给我们。这两个例句的状语是带有向格附加成分(-γa/-qa/-gä/-kä)的名词或代词,也移到谓语之后了。4)状语是“P”副动词(33)nemäqilidu mundaq häšäm-däräm qilip. / 有什么必要,像这样大把大把地花钱。 (34) nemäboldi zadi adämni munčä aldirtip. / 究竟发生什么事儿了,把人催得这么急。上面例句的状语是带有“p”的副动词。这种状谓倒装也是在口语中常见的现象。5)状语是带有“-däk/-täk”词缀的词(35)oγliiz tolimu äqilliq čo boptu adamni häwisini kältürgidäk. / 你儿子长得真聪明,让人羡慕得要命。(36)ja alla(h) bu igičä-siil ädäpmu oxšajdikän bir qilipta qujγandäk. / 天哪!这姐妹俩真像,好象从一个模子里倒出来似的。(ujghur tilining izahliq luγiti, 220 bät)在上面的例句中,状语是带有“-däk/-täk”词缀的各种形式的动词。这也是状语移到谓语之后的情况。4.定语的后置定语的后置是定语在被修饰语之后的情况,维吾尔语定语的正常语序是定语一般放在被修饰语之前。但在维吾尔口语中定语的位置比较自由,不一定在被修饰语之前,可以在被修饰语之后,甚至有时在谓语之后。这是维吾尔口语常见的一种语用变化现象。如:(37)ää,ä. / 脾气很坏,这个人的。 (38)š ä,äää./好好收拾一下,这些坏家伙。上面的例句属于定语的后置,即定语在被修饰语之后。定语后置可以还原,但不会影响句子的内容。5.有关语气词的位置句子成分后置时有些原来按正常语序处于句末的“ču”,“γu”,“mu-jä”,“zä”等语气词都不是在句末,而在倒装成分之前。如:(39)qolidin adajip iš kelidiču, uni. / 很有本事呀,他。(40)γatünügün. / 是不是病了呀,他昨天。(41)u kälmäjdiγu däjmän ätä. / 他可能不来吧,明天。三、复句中偏句与正句的易位在维吾尔语口语里除了单句中各成分之间倒装之外,复句里的各分句也有倒装现象。条件复句中的偏句通常在正句之前,正句在偏句之后,可是在口语里正句在偏句之前,偏句在正句之后的现象也很常见。这也是维吾尔语口语具有的特殊句法现象之一。 如:(42)män baralajmän, alahidä išim bolmisa agar. / 我能去,如果没有特殊的情况。 (43) u käp qalar, birdäm saqlisaq. / 他可能来,如果我们稍等一会儿。在这两个条件复句中,偏句alahidä išim bolmisa ägär和birdäm saqlisaq出现在正句män baralajmän和u käp qalar之后。在交际中说话者先用正句,目的还是为了强调重要信息(新信息)。但在实际交际中正句并不一定总是起重要信息的作用,偏句也会有重要信息的作用,那么,就与正常的复句一样。如:(44)jamγur jaγmisila ägär, čoqum barmiz. / 如果不下雨,我们一定要去。 (45)čaqirγan tursa ula(r), ba(r)misaq qandaq bolidu?/ 他们请我们做客,我们不去不行吧?在这两个条件复句中,说话者先说句子的偏句部分jamγur jaγmisila和čaqirγan tursa ula(r),偏句之后说čoqum barmiz和ba(r)misaq qandaq bolidu等正句部分。这时,偏句是要强调的重要信息,正句是旧信息。在实际交际中,哪部分是重要信息,哪部分不是重要信息,这当然是比较复杂的问题,应该看说话者要表达的焦点(focus)。总之,从上面的例子中我们可以归纳出维吾尔语口语里句法成分的易位现象具备以下一些特点:1.易位句的前置部分一般是句子的主题部分,即句子的话题,尤其是宾语的前置是句子的话题。易位句的语句重音一般在前置部分上,后一部分要轻读。如bilmidim, män.(不知道,我。)语句重音应该在bilmidim(不知道)上,不是在män(我)上;bilmidim(不知道)是句子的重要信息,即强调的部分,män(我)是补充部分,即不重要的信息(已经知道的信息)。2.易位句的意义重心在前置部分,换句话说,后一成分一般不能成为强调的对象。如○1oltursila, bu järdä.(请坐下,在这儿。)和○2bu järdä oltursila. (请在这儿坐。)这两个句子的强调对象就是前置部分。○1句的重要信息是oltursila(坐),即前置的谓语部分;○2句的重要信息是bu järdä(在这儿),即前置的状语部分。3. 易位句中被倒置的两个成分都可以复位,复位后句子的意思不变。如:midäzi bäk osal bu adämni.→bu adämni midäzi bäk osal. / 脾气很坏,这个人的。→这个人的脾气很坏。4.在倒装句中,句末语气词决不在后移部分之后出现,一定紧跟在前置部分之后。如:①qolidin adajip iš kiliditču, uni.(很有本事呀,他。)②sänzäqornipla jürisänγu, ulardin.(你呢,很不自在呀,在他们面前。)①②例句中决不可以说成qolidin adajip iš kelidu, uniču.*(很有本事,他呀!)sän(zä)qornipla jürisän ulardinγu.*(你,很不自在,在他们面前呀!)上述各种易位和正常的这两种句子在意以上是等价的,事实上也是在口语中常见的,当然易位句有它自身特有的表达作用。凡易位句,前置部分总是说话人急于要传递给听话人的信息,后一部分则是稍带补充性的信息。这也正是口语里出现易位句的原因。不能恢复为常规句的不是易位句,易位的形成原因并非都是为了突出强调主要信息,有的完全是话题追补。易位句并非单一的语法问题,也非纯粹的修辞现象,而是一种语用现象,只有结合语用、语义、语法三个平面理论来分析它,才会得出更全面更正确的结论。上面四条是易位句普遍具备的特点,也是确定易位句的依据。有关维吾尔语的论著以及在维吾尔语教学工作中比较重视句法意义,而不够重视语用意义。我们经常所说的句法语序是一种语言基本的句法结构规则的概括,它是稳定而抽象的,所呈现的是一种语言中语序的静态面貌。而实际语言的使用中,由于语境不同,为了表达的需要常常会调整句法成分的顺序。从功能主义的角度看,语言中任何超常规的变异现象都有其特定的语用价值。在具体交际中维吾尔语的句子成分的正常位置有上面所提到的特殊的语用变化,这种特殊情况在口语中是常见的,口语中常见的倒装现象是纯粹的语用成分,句子成分的倒装现象和语义、语用都有关系。语用语序是我们的教学工作中必须注意的一个问题。对语用语序的合理分析不仅能使学生在听到变式句出现于交际过程中能进行准确的语用推理,理解更准确,同时还有助于学习者理解句法,语义和语用之间的关系。 参考文献 1.何兆熊主编:《新编语用学概要》,上海,上海外语教育出版社,1999。2.桂诗春、何自然:《当代语言用学》,北京,外语教学与研究出版社,2004。3.张定京:“哈萨克语实用语法”,北京,中央民族大学出版社,2004。4.阿尔斯兰•阿布都拉:《〈福乐智慧〉的修辞学研究》,乌鲁木齐,新疆大学出版社,2001。 5.赵元任:《汉语口语语法》,北京,商务印书馆,1979。6.陆检明:《汉语口语里的易位现象》,载《中国语文》1980(1)。7.陈健民:《汉语口语》,北京,北京出版社,1984。载《中央民族大学维吾尔学语言文学系首届维吾尔学论文集》

论维吾尔语口语中句子的语用变化现象

阿里木•玉苏甫
(中央民族大学哈萨克语言文学系05级博士生)

具体的句子在一定的语境中往往会发生许多变化,如句法成分的省略、倒装、追补等,这些现象虽然不影响句型划分,但对句子的理解、解释和运用有很大的影响,跟句子的句法、语义、语用也有一定的关系。维吾尔语里的倒装、省略、重复等现象以前一般都在句法框架内解释,几乎没有在语用框架内研究,因此在口语中发生的这些语言现象很少解释,如果这些语言现象从语用角度来研究我们可以得到一些新的认识,新的研究思路。语法学家把倒装。省略等现象划入纯粹的语用现象 。维吾尔语的语法特点在于有比较严格的形态标志和形态变化,是形态变化丰富、发达的语言之一。因此在维吾尔语中,句法成分的易位现象和汉语等形态变化不发达的语言相比有一些自己的特点。维吾尔语句子成分的位置比较自由,但书面语句子成分的位置比口语相对来说比较固定。维吾尔语的基本语序是主语在谓语之前,宾语在动词之前。还可以总结出一条普遍的规律,即所有次要成分都位于主要成分之前——宾语位于动词(谓语中心)之前,定语,状语都位于各自的中心语之前,可是口语里却常常可以灵活地互易位置。如:(1) a:käldimu, akaŋ? / 来了吗,你哥哥? (口语中的易位)b:akaŋ käldimu? / 你哥哥来了吗? (正常语序) (2)a:elip kir, uni!/拉进来,把他! (口语中的易位)b:uni elip kir!/把他拉进来? (正常语序)易位句可以恢复为正常语序,不能恢复为正常语序的不是易位句维吾尔语句子成分的正常语序在口语中有不同的变化,这是一种句法成分的易位,也可以叫倒装句。易位是相对正常语序而言的,易位的形成原因并非都是为了突出强调主要信息,有的完全是话题追补。易位句并非单一的语法问题,也非纯粹的修辞现象,只有结合句法、语义、语用等三个平面来分析它,才会得出更全面、更正确的结论。

Wednesday, August 29, 2007

维吾尔族民间话语的隐喻分析(续)

如要对维吾尔族口头语言中的这些比喻性隐喻做一个简短的结论,也许福柯的一段论述最为恰当:“在变成了稠密厚实的历史实在之后,语言便形成了一个汇集传统、思想的无声习惯以及民族的幽晦精神的场所;它积累着一种不可避免的记忆,而这记忆甚至没有意识到自己是记忆。” 第二, 民间反语(骂中带夸)。维吾尔族口头语言中还存在大量的反语,这些同样是维吾尔文化在民间口头话语层面上的积淀。这些反语是一些诙谐的,看似骂而实则夸的反语。它表达了一个对话者双方十分密切的感情。但这需要一个特殊的语境,即对话双方同是此文化圈中之人,否则会造成误解。如当看到一个十分可爱的孩子时,大人常常会说:“多难看的孩子啊!”孩子的父母听后不但不会生气,反而会开心地笑起来,因为他知道这是在夸他的孩子。而十分有趣的是,笔者亲眼所见,在新疆,一次一位汉族女同志带着他的小孩走进办公室,她的维吾尔族同事以为长期在一起工作彼此已很了解,所以她用了维吾尔族的反语方式亲切地逗这个小男孩说:“这孩子真难看呀!”可这位汉族女同志虽在新疆生活工作了很长时间,但对维吾尔族文化中的这种表达方式一点也不了解,她顿时生气,而且有很长时间都不理这个维族同事,不论她怎么解释。直到过了很久另外一位维族朋友告诉她这是维吾尔族特殊的表达方式,是一种对孩子的亲昵的话语。可见,了解一个民族的文化并不是一件容易的事,而文化的表现是渗透于生活的方方面面,尤其是语言中。如果对此有一些了解,人们就会发现维吾尔族的口头语言文化的丰富、风趣,对孩子一套专门的昵语充满了多么深厚的爱意。又如维吾尔族小女孩大多长着一对浓黑修长的弯眉,大人们常常会说她:“看这个偷了奥斯曼的小偷。”小女孩听了会高兴地蹦跳而去。因为她也知道这是大人对她由衷的赞美,这更增添了她对自己美丽可爱的自信。奥斯曼草是维吾尔族女子最喜爱的染眉草,自打摇篮之时起,女孩子就在染眉草的陪伴下成长,所以,这句反语就是她们生活的真实。还有一些是大人之间对话时的骂中带夸的反语(有时甚至是难听话)。这些反语被巴赫金给以高度评价:“它处于辱骂的边缘;赞美中充满了辱骂,期间无法划出一道明确的界限,也无法指明,赞美在哪里结束,辱骂又从何处开始。广场辱骂也具有这样的特征。虽然赞美和辱骂在语言中泾渭分明,但在广场语言里两者似乎属于某一统一的一体双身,这个一体双身夸中带骂,骂中带夸。因此在不拘形迹的广场言语中骂人话(尤其是下流话)如此频繁地用于温柔和赞美的含义。” 由于民间文化研究中民间话语的隐喻意义并未从文化的角度加以研究,所以维吾尔民间口头话语中赞美和辱骂相结合的现象长期未受重视。第三,另外还有一种民间话语中的隐喻,就是维吾尔口语中富有民族色彩的吆喝。其中,喀什的吆喝是最具代表性的,所以笔者称其为“喀什的吆喝”。去过喀什的人也许不会忘记喀什街头的各种商贩,有头顶一盘炸油果的;也有左手挎着水果篮子,右手拿着一杆秤的;甚至还有小孩子叫卖民间自制的饮料的。他们都对自己商品的发出声声响亮的吹嘘,声调抑扬顿挫,语词具有诗的形式。尤其是在喀什的巴扎天,各种小商小贩争相吆喝,向人们推荐和赞美自己的商品或饭店的食品,而且这甚至成了一项专门技能,所以每个饭馆前几乎都有专门的吆喝人。这些人口齿伶俐,幽默风趣,面部表情非常丰富,是一些天才的表演者。他们那有滋有味的吆喝,形成了喀什民族街道特有的民俗文化风景。这种吆喝起源与何时已无从考证,它不像现在北京这样的繁华都市的大商场内为促销商品而进行的大声喊叫。喀什的吆喝中隐含着诙谐与反讽,带着特有的夸张和自我嘲弄,听罢不禁使人哑然失笑,给前来就餐或路过者带来无比的快乐。所以,这些吆喝声是喀什艾提尕尔广场和喀什著名的中亚大巴扎不可或缺的街头生活的一部分。每一种喀什特色的食品、自制的饮料、各种手工艺品等都有各自专门的吆喝用语及专门的声调,在喀什民俗文化中占有十分重要的位置。这是多少年来维吾尔族街头文化的交响曲,因此它对维吾尔族的精神文化生活必定会产生深刻影响,对民族文学艺术风格的形成起着重要作用。在这些街头吆喝逐渐被现代文明的商品经营方式取代的今天,如当代维吾尔文学中《金牙狗》、《动物的盛宴》等有影响的作品,就是这些街头吆喝声的不绝如缕的回响(关于这个问题笔者已另拟文作专门论述)。第四,维吾尔族的民间谚语。谚语是一个民族在其历史的发展过程中的智慧的积淀。每一个民族都有其代表本民族特性的谚语,成为考察一个民族文化的重要窗口。维吾尔族的民间谚语最鲜明的特点就是简练、形象、传神,这其实也就是隐喻的特征。如:“春天的太阳下晒儿媳,秋天的太阳下晒女儿。”在维吾尔族的观念中,春天的阳光紫外线强,十分灼烤人;而秋天的阳光不仅紫外线较弱,而且很养人。这样,这句谚语就十分微妙地表达了两层含义,一是维吾尔族先民对自然现象的十分敏锐的观察,二是从更深层意义上表述了维吾尔族传统的社会关系中的婆媳关系。女儿是自己亲生的,所以母亲会处处替她考虑,但婆媳关系总是隔着这一层。这种同一阳光下的不同晒法,把十分复杂而又微妙的家庭关系简约而生动地表现出来。还有一则谚语:“进入瞎子的城市就闭上你的一只眼睛。”与其相对应的汉语成语是“入乡随俗”。从表达方式上,维吾尔语的表达是描述性的。还有一则:“请你去的地方你一定要去,没请你去的地方你一定不要去。”这则谚语表达了维吾尔族人的处世原则,尊重他人、尊重自己。时至今日,父母给正在成长中孩子的劝戒就是这则谚语,要求后代学会如何进入社会,与人和谐相处。另外有些谚语是作文字游戏,巧妙利用谐音,达到一语双关的效果。如,“参加婚礼要吃饱了再去。”“婚礼”和“饱”在维吾尔语中是同音词,但意思和性质完全不同。用谐音将两件不相干的事联系在一起,而在谐音游戏的背后,表达的依然是维吾尔族人的为人处世之道,饭饱之后参加公众活动,会显得从容不迫、温文尔雅,反之,则会被众人耻笑。另外有一些总结社会不良现象的,却用了十分形象化的方式,带有嘲讽之意。如,“肥牛离草近。”用对动物生活习惯的总结用语,幽默地批评了一些好吃懒做之人。这样生动有趣的谚语在今天的维吾尔族人日常生活中比比皆是,听起来有趣而又深含哲理。 三维柯指出:“一切表达物体和抽象心灵的运用之间的类似的隐喻一定是从哲学正在形成的时期开始的,证据就是在每种语言里精妙艺术和深奥科学所需用的词,都起源于村俗语言。” 这说明,隐喻首先存在于民间,是早期先民生活所必须的表达方式,原来都有完全本土的特性。它最直接地表达着人们认识世界和感受世界的方式。但是随着人类心智的不断发展,抽象思维能力的提高,生活中原有的中心话语,逐渐被抽象词所取代。民间话语中的隐喻虽无处不在,却退居边缘,而这边缘化的地位不是语言本身,而是研究者人为造成的。用抽象思维方式考察先民的诗性思维,用现代化的方法理解前人的行为,用静止的语言学研究分析活态发展的民间口头话语,其结果,使隐喻失去了与民间的渊源关系,被误认为是诗人、作家的独创,所以,书面文学中的隐喻似乎也与口头话语中的隐喻毫无干系,民间话语中的隐喻被作为非文学因素、非高雅语言搁置在一旁,随着时间的流逝渐渐弱化和退化,独自低语。载《中央民族大学维吾尔学语言文学系首届维吾尔学论文集》

维吾尔族民间话语的隐喻分析

姑丽娜尔

(中国社会科学院少数民族文学研究所)

隐喻是一种普遍的文化现象,人们每时每刻都在使用大量隐喻。它是国外众多学科关注的热门话题,但目前还缺乏一种统一的隐喻理论。在国内,关于隐喻的研究还停留在修辞层次,从哲学、心理学和其他跨学科角度对隐喻的研究还是一个空白。事实证明隐喻作为一种文化现象,它不仅仅是一种文化或艺术的点缀,而是文化本身。正如福柯所言:“也许世界的语言就是隐喻”。一“隐喻”一词来自希腊语的metaphora,其字源meta意思是“超越”,而pherein的意思则是“传送”。它是一套特殊的语言过程,通过这一过程,一物的若干方面被“带到”或转移到另一物上,以至第二物仿佛就是第一物。 在隐喻的研究史上,西方经历了三个主要时期:一是从亚里士多德开始至20世纪30年代,这是隐喻的修辞学研究时期;二是从20世纪30年代至70年代,是隐喻的语义学研究时期,这时不仅是从语言学角度,同时还包括从哲学和逻辑角度对隐喻的语义研究;三是从20世纪70年代至今,是隐喻的多学科研究。这时期包括从心理学、哲学、符号学、现象学、阐释学等角度所进行的多角度、多层次研究。如前所述,隐喻指的就是一种转换,而转换的各种不同形式,可以被称为“修辞”或者“比喻”,即把语言的字面意义转换掉,从而转向它的比喻意义。一般来说,隐喻代表着上述转换的基本形式。因此也就可以把它看作基本的“比喻手段”。其他的比喻实际上是隐喻原型的变体。从传统来看,隐喻分为以下三种:第一,明喻(Simile)。是一种直接的转换。常用“好像”、“如”之类的句式结构,明喻中的两极关系更具直观性。比如:“这块钢板盖在汽车的发动机上,就像一顶遮阳帽戴在女人的头上。”第二,提喻(Synecdoche)。这是个希腊字,源于synekdechesthai,意思是“整体地得到”。提喻所采取的转换方式,是转换某事物的一部分而代替该事物的整体,反之亦然。比如:“二十个夏天”代替二十年,“十双手”代替十个人;或像维吾尔语那样,用“贪婪的眼睛”代替“堕落之人”。第三,换喻(Metonymy)。这个词来自希腊语(metonymia),意思是:meta(改变)和 onoma(名称)。在换喻中,一个事物的名称被加以转换,以代替与之相关的其他事物。比如:“白宫”代替美国总统,“王冠”代替君主等。这种转换过程也包括拟人。在作过如上简单的历史回顾之后,笔者在本文要论述的是,在维吾尔民间话语中保留着大量隐喻,这些隐喻作为一个民族口头民俗的积淀,象征性地表达了该民族特有的审美心理和审美评价,是该民族文化的一种特殊表现方式。这正好也说明了语言作为民族精神积累的场所,它在漫长的岁月中通过曲折、隐含的方式表达了这个民族对世界的认知方式,民族的独特文化背景和文化心理。因此,笔者试图对目前尚鲜活地存在于维吾尔民间话语中的隐喻做一些分析。二维吾尔民间话语中的隐喻主要以民间对话中的比喻、反语(骂中带夸)、 吆喝(以喀什的吆喝为特例)、谚语等最具代表性。这里所谓的民间对话,指的就是该民族每一个个体所使用的,在工作之余的休闲、娱乐中常用的话语(有时甚至还包括工作中的轻松交谈)。第一,比喻性隐喻。维吾尔民间话语中,带有民族个性化色彩的比喻非常普遍。本文在此以较有规律性特征的隐喻来举例说明。首先是用表示身体部位的词作为隐喻词。而被用在隐喻中的,都是身体的重要部位,这是民间的价值判断的体现。如在喀什,饭作好后为表示对某人的尊敬(家里的长者或客人),女主人会把饭的第一勺舀给他(她),把饭端到他(她)面前时,女主人会顺带说一句:“给您舀了饭的鼻子。”鼻子是人体中特别是面部最突出的部位,也是重要器官。饭的鼻子以极富想像力的比喻将家庭主妇对长者和客人的尊重、对自己所做的饭的评价以及对自己行为的评价都十分巧妙且委婉地表达出来。而且最为重要的是,这在听者心中会激起一个温暖的波澜,不仅为她的苦心,也因为巧妙的话语本身的魅力。诸如此类还有,如喀什有一种特别的南瓜叫“安集延南瓜”,喀什人会形象地称这南瓜的根部为“南瓜的鼻子”,还有西瓜或哈密瓜朝阳的部位相对来说更好吃,被称为“瓜的鼻子”,人们切瓜时会从西瓜或哈密瓜的这个部位开始。眼睛是心灵的窗口,这在各民族中是相通的。在维吾尔族民间话语中用眼睛比喻最好的事物或最优秀的人。如,一个家庭中最优秀的孩子被父母称为“孩子们的眼睛”,这其中就隐含着父母的评价。去过喀什的人都知道,喀什有一座非常著名的艾提尕尔清真寺,这是喀什的中心,这个中心被喀什人十分形象地称为“喀什的肚脐”。而出生在这里的人会很自豪地说:“我出生在喀什的肚脐。”听者马上就会意识到他说的是哪里。而这种意识也可能仅限于本民族甚至喀什文化圈内。喀什人的特征,就生动地表现在这些毫不引人注意的最表层的话语中。我们可以看出民间话语反映一个地域文化甚至一个民族文化的特定作用。和许多民族一样,维吾尔族认为打断别人的谈话是不礼貌的行为。当谈话被打断时,说话者会说:“你不要踢我的话的腰”。头是身体的最重要部位,所以一个维吾尔族人在言谈中为强调自己所说的某一句话的重要性时,会说:“我的话的头部是……”另外还有如“山的头部”等说法。除了将身体的重要部位作为比喻词外,维吾尔族还有将生活中必不可少的食物或动物作为比喻词的习惯。被他们选中的这些比喻词,绝非出于好用或任意而为之,而是具有很深的文化内涵。如,维吾尔族对鱼有一种与生俱来的亲密感,这与他们信仰伊斯兰教有关,在《古兰经》中鱼是圣洁之物。所以,当他们比喻心目中最美好的事物时,首先浮上他们心头的,就是这个被真主许诺过的圣物。除了像其他民族一样将美丽的女子比作美好的花之外,维吾尔族对女子的赞美还有较为特殊的表述,他们把体态苗条,面容姣好的女子赞为:“像鱼一样的……”,鱼的润滑、细腻以及在水中舒展的姿态让人很自然地想到美丽的女子那细嫩的皮肤、苗条而又舒展挺拔的姿态,富有动态的和诗意的美。同样,冰糖与维吾尔族民间文化有十分密切的关系,维吾尔族非常喜欢冰糖,尤其是作为自喀喇汗王朝以来中亚及维吾尔文化中心的喀什,冰糖是喀什人交友待客必不可少的食品。因此,冰糖也就成为他们口头语言中具有赞美意义的词之一。如,一个人话说得很有道理,正中听者下怀,这时听者会带着由衷的表情说:“你的话真像冰糖一样让人舒服……”或者“我真想现在就往你嘴里放块冰糖……”糖是富足甜蜜的象征,如果冰糖没有在维吾尔族生活中占有十分重要的地位,它就不会成为口头语言的积淀而在人们需要时首先浮上心头。与冰糖一样,在维吾尔族的饮食中,抓饭是维吾尔族最重要的食物,家中来了客人,除了水果点心以及其他食物的招待之外,抓饭是最后一道必备的饭。而且,抓饭以其丰富的营养已被人们肯定。因此在维吾尔族中就很自然地流传着关于这道饭的一些著名谚语:“抓饭是男人的养料”。而且当问及一个年轻人什么时候结婚时,维吾尔人决不直接问他:“你什么时候结婚?”而问他(她):“什么时候吃你的抓饭?”。尤其是对女孩子更不直接问。因为维吾尔人认为女人是天生害羞的小动物,娇弱可爱,这也是她们与生俱来的媚人之处(由此笔者又想到了一个有趣的比喻,这是男性专用的比喻。当一个男人看到一个美女迎面走来,或者是在相互之间谈论一个可爱的女性时,他们最常用的口头语就是“这个小动物”)。所以在维吾尔人的观念中善待、爱护女性是每一个男子应有的美德之一。在维吾尔族著名的民间麦西莱甫的惩罚游戏中就有规定,不能随便对妇女开玩笑,否则受罚。还有一个在维吾尔民间十分流行的隐喻,就是当一些人说话不算数或某些干部对群众许诺而不兑现时,人们会说:“给我们的嘴里放了一个空奶嘴”。至今,维吾尔族妇女在给孩子喂完奶之后,为了哄孩子,就给孩子嘴里放一个特制的小奶嘴;有时母亲不在,婴儿哭闹得厉害,人们会在小奶嘴上粘上白糖放在孩子嘴里,小孩会立即停止哭叫。而人们就将这个生活中习以为常的事物巧妙地作为比喻词,对生活中的一些不良行为,特别是一些为官者进行幽默的批评。

维吾尔语言文字

维吾尔语与维吾尔文是中国新疆维吾尔自治区自治民族维吾尔族使用的语言和文字,使用人口860余万。公务活动、社会交际、广播影视、新闻出版、文学艺术、民族教育、科技等各个领域都普遍使用该种语文。  古代维吾尔语8世纪后形成共同的书面语言。古代维吾尔语属阿尔泰语系、古突厥语族维吾尔—遏逻禄语支,其文献书籍以《突厥语大词典》、《福乐智慧》和众多的吐鲁番及敦煌文献为代表。  现代维吾尔语是现代维吾尔人使用的语言。现代维吾尔语分为中心方言、和田方言和罗布方言,三个方言的主要差别表现在语音上。现代维吾尔语书面标准语是在乌鲁木齐土语音位系统为代表的中心方言的基础上形成和发展起来的,经过多次规范,现代维吾尔文学语言(即书面语)成为现代维吾尔人使用的统一语言。  现代维吾尔语有8个元音,24个辅音。有元音和谐律。舌位合谐比较严整,唇状和谐比较松驰。有元音弱化现象。构词和构形附加成分很丰富。名词有数、从属人称、格等语法范畴;动词有态、肯定否定、语气、时、人称、数、形动词、动名词、副动词等语法范畴。表示各种情态的动词很发达。词组和句子有严格的词序:主语在谓语之前,限定语在中心词之前。词汇中除有突厥语族诸语言的共同词外,还有相当数量的汉语、阿拉伯语、波斯语和俄语的借词。现在使用以阿拉伯字母为基础的维吾尔文。  古代维吾尔语起先用突厥文拼写,后来用粟特文改进的回鹘文来拼写,之后用阿拉伯文为基础的古代维吾尔文来拼写(哈卡尼亚文),再后来用察合台文来拼写,公元九—十世纪后,改用阿拉伯文字母为基础的维吾尔文来拼写。现代维吾尔文是在晚期察合台文基础上形成的以阿拉伯文字母为基础的拼音文字,20世纪30年代以后经过几次改进,最近的一次是在1983年。现行维吾尔文有8个元音字母,24个辅音字母,自右向左横写。用来书写现代维吾尔文学语言,即业经规范的书面语。每个字母按出现在词首、词中、词末的位置有不同的形式。有些字母只有单式和末式。有些字母所带的符号除作独立形式和词首形式的标志外,还起隔音的作用。词根上的语音变化、附加成分与词干在元音和辅音上的和谐都在文字上有所反映,同一个词根往往有不同的书写形式,同一个附加成分往往有几种变体。  中国新疆维吾尔自治区民族语言文字工作委员会下设维吾尔语研究、名词术语规范、辞书编纂等业务处室,从事着维吾尔语言文字方面的研究、规范和辞书编纂工作,有很多成果问世。

维吾尔语的关系从句

维吾尔语的关系从句

力提甫•托乎提

[提要]本文根据J.H.格林伯格,B.科姆里等普遍语法学派对世界各语言中的关系从句的论述和归类,分析了维吾尔语关系从句的特点。据维吾尔语缺乏印欧语中那样的关系从句的特点,肯定维吾尔语关系从句属空格型。文章还讨论了维吾尔语关系从句的词序和功能以及局限性。

0.导论 几十年来语言学家通过对比研究,在世界诸多语言中发现了许多共同的现象。象J.H.格林伯格(1963),B.科姆里(1981)这样的先驱者建立了许多令人信服的语言普遍规律,并提出了有关的预测和猜想。在语言普遍规律研究中的一个热门论题就是世界上绝大部分语言中关系从句的存在。关系从句就是修饰名词的分句(安德如斯,1975)。下面是一例英语带关系从句的句子,方括号内是关系从句。(1)Sheep [that have long fleece] survive better in winter. 羊 那 有 长 毛 生存 更好 在 冬天“有长毛的羊容易过冬。”这个关系从句的作用在于修饰它前面的名词sheep“羊”。可见“一个关系从句必然由一个中心名词和一个限定成分组成。”(科姆里,1981) 虽然许多语言都有关系从句,但关系从句如何构成、句中哪些名词可由关系从句修饰以及关系从句与其它成分的词序如何,各语言都有自已的特点。本文试图描述维吾尔语中关系从句的存在、构成、功能、词序以及局限性,从而揭示所谓的语言普遍规律在多大程度上适用于维吾尔语,而维吾尔语又有哪些自己的特有规律。1.维吾尔语关系从句的表现形式 科姆里分析了另一种突厥语,即土耳其语中的关系从句。 (2)[Hasan -in Sinan-a ver -diğ -i] patates-i ye-dim. 艾山 的 斯南向 给(动名)的 马铃薯(宾)吃了我 “我吃了艾山给斯南的马铃薯。”按印欧语言的传统语法来讲,只有定式动词作谓语的结构才能叫做句子。而上述例子中作谓语的是动词ver-“给”加动名词成分-diğ而形成的不定式形式。象其它名词化了的动词一样,它要求句子的主语Hasan要有领属格-in,而本身需要有一个相应的从属成分(这里是-i)。因此,按一个句子必须有一个定式动词的标准,以上土耳其语结构可能算不上是一个关系从句。然而科姆里认为上述土耳其语结构所起的作用完全和英语的关系从句的作用一样:它后面紧跟着被修饰名词patates“马铃薯”,而关系从句限定了这个名词所表示的事物的范围,说明所谈到的是艾山给斯南的那个马铃薯。因此我们还应该从功能或语义上给关系从句下一个定义,而不去考虑其词法和句法上的特殊性。这样,定式和非定式动词作谓语的关系从句之间的区别可被看作只是好多参数(可能性)中的一个。根据这个理论我们可以肯定,上述土耳其语例子中的成分Hasanin Sinana verdiği在功能上还是一个关系从句。J.科尼菲勒(1985)在她的《土耳其语里的不定式关系从句和补语》一文里指出,在土耳其语里不但-DIK动名词分句可起关系从句作用,而且-AcAk动名词分句也可起关系从句作用,因为前者表示非将来时,而后者表示将来时。由于它们本身带有时态意义,才有可能修饰句子以外的一个名词。从她的观点可以看出,土耳其语中以-DIK和-AcAk结尾的动词也并不完全是不定式的,因为它们所表达的时态意义正是一个定式动词的重要标志。 维吾尔语的情况在这一点上可能与土耳其语的一样,也许更为直接了当。从功能上讲,维吾尔语里也有修饰或限定句外名词的关系从句。按词法和句法结构我们可以把它们称为-GAn(=-γan/-qan/-gän/-kän)关系从句,-GUdäk(=-γudäk/-qudäk/-güdäk/-küdäk)关系从句和零形关系从句三种: (3)[män oqu -γan] kitab qiziq ikän.(-GAn关系从句) 我 读(形动)书 有趣 是(转述)“我读的书原来很有趣。” (4)[üč kün-gä yät- -kü -däk] un qal- -di.(-GUdäk关系从句) 三 天 向 够(动名)(相似)面粉 剩(过去) “还剩够用三天的面粉。” (5)γulja [mänziri-si güzäl] šähär.(零形式关系从句) 伊宁 风景 的 美丽 城市 “伊宁是个风景美丽的城市。”这里应该说明,以上方括号内的成分在维吾尔语语法里一直被认为是短语或词组。但我们根据其功能有理由说它们是关系从句。就其本质来讲,关系从句是包含在一个独立句里的分句,只不过是在功能上起修饰名词的作用。因此以上几个关系从句在结构上比独立句小,但比短语大。所表达的意义等于一个完整的句子的意义。这正是关系从句的特点。 我们先看一下-GAn关系从句。-GAn在维吾尔语里是个形动词附加成分。与-r(/-ar/-är)形动词成分相比,它有完成或过去时的意义。如果前加-ydi-/-idi-,它表示现在或将来完成的意义:oqu-ydiγan“现在/将来读的”;如果前加-wat-,就表示正在完成的意义:oqu-watqan“正在读的”。这种时态意义正是一个定式动词应有的一大特点。由于这种特点,我们说-GAn形动词可以作为一个主句的谓语使用: (6)Män bu kitab-ni oqu-γan.“我读过这本书。” 这 (宾)读它也象例(3)里的情况一样,可以作关系从句的谓语。但也应看到,这种关系从句结构的不完整性:一方面,-GAn形动词作一个独立句的谓语时,根据需要后面可加系动词-dur,idi以及相应的人称附加成分。那是维吾尔语定式动词的另一个特点。而在关系从句谓语的位置上它后面不可能加这些成分,更不能加土耳其语那种从属附加成分(例如前加*号为结构不合语法的句子):(7)*[män oquγandurmän] kitab qiziq ikän.(8)*[meniŋ oquγinim] kitab qiziq ikän.另一方面,因维吾尔语没有关系代词,被修饰名词在关系从句中留下一个空白: (9)[män --- oquγan]kitab qiziq ikän.这一点我将在下一节中加以进一步说明。所有这一切都说明维吾尔语关系从句本身的特有规律。 再看看-GUdäk关系从句。-GUdäk关系从句在结构上较复杂。它是动名词成分-GU(=-γu/-qu/-gü/-kü)与相似格-däk(/-daq/-taq/-täk)的结合。因此在-däk的位置上也可出现另一个相似格成分-čilik。就时态意义来讲,-GU本身带有古老的必然将来时意义。在一些庄重场合我们也可以看到它作谓语的情况:Wätinimiz teximu gülläp yašniγusi“我们的祖国必将更加繁荣昌盛”。在功能上一个带有-GUdäk的动词可起形动词的作用。因此它在关系从句里可作谓语并在动作发生的可能性、潜在性等方面修饰中心名词。但我们也应该看到这种结构的局限性。一、带有-GUdäk的动词在关系从句里作谓语时表示或强调动作发生的可能性和潜在性。其它情况下它完全可以被带-ydi/-idi-的-GAn形动词代替。二、在独立句谓语动词后面出现的-GUdäk表示的是转述语气,这与它在关系从句中的意义并不完全相同。如: (10)U ätä käl-güdäk.“听说他明天要来。” 他 明天 来(转述)因此,-GUdäk关系从句的构造特殊、功能简单、使用范围狭窄。 至于零形关系从句,它在结构上更简单,功能上也只限于修饰原来句中的领属格名词或者对比句中被对比的名词。如例(11)来自例 (12): (11)[mänziri -si güzäl] šähär “风景美丽的城市” (l2)šähär-niŋ mänziri- si güzäl.“城市的风景美丽。”(-niŋ为领属格)这种结构和汉语句子里作谓语的主谓结构一样。这种关系从句是一种较普遍的语言现象,只不过在各语言里对它的定义不一定相同。维吾尔语的这种关系从句的不完整性在于它缺乏一个作谓语的动词,因而也不存在动词是不是定式的问题。从理论上讲,我们可以认为在独立句(12)的末尾有联系动词-dur,而它表示现在时。它在独立句中的出现是随意的,但在关系从句(11)中它的省略是强制的。否则,句子就不合语法:*[mänziri -si güzäl-dur] šähär。即使在这种关系从句中的-dur必须省略,但在结构上它仍然有主语和谓语,仍然表达一个完整的意义;在功能上它又修饰名词。由于这些原因,我们称它为零形关系从句。它也可以修饰对比句中被对比的名词。如下面的例(13)来自例(14): (13)[poyiz -din tez] at “比火车快的马” 火车 从 快 马 (14)Bu at poyizdin tez(-dur).“这匹马比火车快。” 这 是以上我们讨论了维吾尔语中存在的三种关系从句的功能和特点。据我所知,维吾尔语关系从句主要有这三种,但也不排除其它类型的关系从句存在的可能性。2.关系从句的构成 我们知道,在印欧语言里关系从句的使用相当普遍。关系从句与被修饰名词之间都有一个关系代词或其它成分起连接作用。其实印欧语言里并没有专门的关系代词。所谓的关系代词也就是起连接作用的相应的疑问代词、指示代词、定冠词等。如英语的which、who、when、where、that等疑问代词和指示代词同时也起关系代词的作用。在俄语里κто “谁”、что“什么”等疑问代词也起同样的作用:(15)y вac ecть глaвное,[чтo нужно людям нашей npoФeccии] 对 你 是 主要的 什么 必要 人们 我们的 职业 “你具备我们这行的人所必须的主要素质。”(张会森等,1980)在德语里定冠词der、die、das等也起关系代词的作用。如: (16)das Haus,[das an der Ecke steht] (定冠)房子 在(定冠)拐角 站 “在拐角处的那个房子”(杨业治等,1987)现代维吾尔语里没有这种关系代词,但在古代维吾尔语里曾经有过这种关系代词的萌芽。如古代维吾尔语有过ol,它有时用作第三人称代词“他(她、它)”,有时用作指示代词“那”,有时在句末起系动词“是”的作用。在麻赫穆德•喀什噶里的《突厥语大词典》里,我们可以看到ol在-GAn关系从句中起类似关系代词的作用。如: (17)bu bitik ol kiši- ni oqi- -t- -γan.(《突厥语大词典》,I卷,211页) 这 书 人(宾)读(使动) “这是一本难读的书。”这里ol不但和印欧语言的代词一样起连接作用,而且整个句子的词序也和印欧语言同类结构的一样。又如,我们看到古代维吾尔语的疑问代词kim“谁”在《乌古斯可汗传说》中起连接作用: (18)ošul kim meniŋ aγïz - um -γa baq -ar turur bol -sa tartïγ tart -ïp 这 我的 口 我的 向 看(形动)是 成为(条件)礼品 拉(副动)dost tut- -ar -män(耿世民、吐尔逊•阿尤甫,1980)朋友 抓(形动)我 “谁要是顺从我的口令,我将送礼品于谁,并成为朋友。” 《乌古斯可汗传说》的刊布者们把这里出现的kim 正确地解释为连词。也就是关系代词。按照英语关系从句的分类,我们可以把ošul kim…翻译成英语的限定性(restrictive)形式those who…“那些…的人…”,也可把它译成自由(free) 形式whoever“谁…谁就…”(参见Radford,1988)。 显然,《乌古斯可汗传说》的现代维吾尔语版的处理符合后一种译法。 现代维吾尔语中代词的类似用法已经消失,关系从句的结构和词序也因此有了变化。现代维吾尔语中有一个起连接作用的小品词 -ki。大多数学者认为这个 -ki是波斯语借词。但我们不能排除它来自古维吾尔语kim 的可能性。再者,在吐鲁番和哈密方言里nemä“什么”不但跟文学语言里的一样起疑问代词作用,而且也和印欧语言里的疑问代词一样起突出句中某一成分的作用:bu güllärni män yasiγan nemä“这些花儿是我做的。”(佐合拉,1994)nemä的这种类似关系代词的用法还不见于文学语言。 由于现代维吾尔语没有关系代词,被修饰名词在关系从句的相应位置上出现空格。这种关系从句在其他语言里也常见。因此科姆里(1981)把这类关系从句称为空格形(Gap-type)关系从句。很明显,为了找出这种空格,我们必须回到为关系从句的形式作基础的独立句。让我们用t(来自英语的trace“痕迹”)来表示所出现的空格;然后在t和所移出的中心词右上方用同标的小英文字母来填补这个空格。这样我们可以看出关系从句的结构(表示“变成”): (19)Män bir kitab - ni oqu - dum.“我读了一本书。” 我 一 (I过去) [män ti oquγan] bir kitabi “我读的一本书”(20)bu un üč küngä yet-iš - i mümkin.“这面粉可能够三天用。” 够(动名) 可能 [ti üč küngä yätküdäk] uni “够用三天的面粉 (21)bu šähär-niŋ mänziri - si güzäl.“这个城市风景美丽。” [ti mänzirisi güzäl] šähäri“风景美丽的城市”从以上的例子中可总结出每一种关系从句的构成。如从(19)中可以看出-GAn关系从句的构成: 第一步:把原句中的谓语动词变成相应的-GAn形动词;第二步:把句中所要修饰的名词移到-GAn形动词的后面。例 (20)显示-GUdäk关系从句的构成: 第一步:在原句谓语动词词干上缀加附加成分-GUdäk; 第二步:把句中所要修饰的名词移到-GUdäk形动词后面。例(21)告诉我们零形关系从句的构成: 第一步:从原句作谓语的名词或形容词后面去掉系动词(如果有的话); 第二步:把句中被修饰名词(一般为领属名词或被对比名词)移到句末。总的规律就是,中心词由从原句中被移到被修饰位置上的名词充当,该名词会失去原有的格附加成分或后置词,并在新的位置上根据需要开始新的变格。3.关系从句的词序和功能 如上所述,关系从句的功能在于修饰本身以外的名词,或称作中心词。那么关系从句和中心词之间的词序关系在各语言中有所不同。如在印欧语言里关系从句出现在中心词的后面,而在维吾尔语和其它阿尔泰诸语言中关系从句出现在中心词的前面。格林伯格等普遍语法学派认为,关系从句与中心词的词序很大程度上与语言类型有关,即在一般词序为SVO的语言里关系从句出现在中心词的后面,而在SOV的语言里关系从句位置在中心词的前面(马林森,1981)。 维吾尔语是SOV语言,因此关系从句在中心词的前面。但这种规律也不是绝对的。如汉语是SVO语言,但带“的”的类似关系从句也出现在中心词之前。还有象我们在例(17)和例 (18)中看到的那样,古代维吾尔语里有关系代词,关系从句也曾在中心词的后面出现过。不过我们也不能因此就把古代维吾尔语说成是一种SVO语言。因为古代维吾尔语里宾语一般都在动词之前。同时我们应该承认,现代维吾尔语中关系从句确实出现在中心词的前面,起修饰或限定作用、这是一个总的规律。如果有相反的情况,那也是因修辞需要而引起的:(22)Šundaq naxša bu [tügi- -mä- -ydiγan]. 那样的 歌 这 完 (否定)(未完形动)“这就是那样唱不完的歌。” (铁依甫江诗) (23)Qandaq bala sän [gäp aŋli-ma-ydiγan]. 怎样 孩子 你 话 听 “你是什么孩子,这么不听话!” (口语)这种倒装同序的原因显而易见。如诗人铁依甫江在例(22)中为了韵律的需要改变了词序。一般词序应为 Bu [ti šundaq tügimäydiγan] naxšai ;例句(23)中也可看出,说话者为了突出自己的不满改变了词序。一般该句应为sän[ti gäp aŋlimaydiγan]qandaq balai。关系从句的功能和形容词一样,在中心词前面起修饰或限定作用。但关系从句的意义比形容词的复杂。另外,形容词在句中可作谓语,也可作修饰语。但关系从句只能作修饰语,不管它出现在中心词的前面或后面。再者,形容词只要语义适当,可以修饰句中的任何一个名词,但关系从句修饰名词,要以原主句为基础,并受到一定的限制。4.关系从句的局限性 虽然维吾尔语里有三种关系从句,但并不是句中所有的名词都可被关系从句所修饰。如下列句中有 3个名词:oquγučii“学生”,mäktäp“学校”和 bazaar“市场”。句子的谓语是动词bar-“去”。让我们看看是否每个名词都可以由-GAn关系从句来修饰:(24)(a) oquγučii mäktäpj -tin bazark- γa bar - di. 学生 学校 从 市场 向 去(过去)“学生从学校去了市场。” (b) [ti mäktäptin bazarγa barγan] oquγučii “从学校去了市场的学生” (c)* [oquγuči tj bazarγa barγan] mäktäpj “*学生去市场的那个学校” (d)[oquγuči mäktäptin tk barγan] bazark“学生从学校去的那个市场” 从以上的例子中可以看出,只有(a)中叫oquγuči “学生”和(c)中的 bazar“市场”被关系从句修饰的结构才算合乎语法,而mäktäp“学校”在这一结构中不能被关从句修饰,因此例( b)就不合语法。这是什么原因呢?这是因为维吾尔语中关系从句构成手段特殊,被修饰名词只依赖于动词的句法特征。我们在下面将仔细讨论这个问题。 科姆里(1981)在谈到句中哪些名词可以被关系从句修饰时,假设了一个等级体系:(25) 主语>直接宾语>非直接宾语>领属名词这个等级体系说明最容易被一个关系从句修饰的是句中的主语,再下来就是直接宾语,然后是非直接宾语和领属名词。作为一种普遍语言现象,这个体系也能揭示维吾尔语的特点。如主语是任何句子中不可缺少的成分,宾语也是及物动词所要求的成分。因此它们在维吾尔语里容易被关系从句修饰。但是维吾尔语关系从句有它本身的特点。如例( 24)(c) 在英语中可以组成关系从句:The school [from which the student went to the market]。但我们看到在维吾尔语中无法把关系从句和中心词mäktäp连接起来。这是因为英语中有关系代词which,而维吾尔语没有起这种连接作用的代词的缘故。我们在第二节中看到,现代维吾尔语中被关系从句所修饰的中心词是从原独立句中的某个位置上移出来的名词。而这个名词移出后它的位置上出现一个空格。那么,在没有关系代词的情况下,关系从句和中心词之间起连接作用的只是关系从句谓语动词的句法特征。维吾尔语的每个动词都有它的句法特征,即它要求句中某个名词要带一定的格或后置词。动词所要求的这种名词也叫做论元(argument)。按这种句法特征,我们可以把例(24)中的动词bar-“去”描写如下:(26) bar-:动词,[名词-ø 名词-GA ——](-ø表示主格;-GA表示向格;[ ]表示上下文, —— 表示该动词出现的位置;名词、动词等包括该词类的短语。) 由于主语是句中每个动词都要求的论元,我们在描写中可以省略它,从而把上面的公式改写成: (27)bar-:动词,[名词-GA ——]这里描写的句法特征说明,维吾尔语动词bar-在句中必须有两个论元:一个是每个动词都必需的主格名词,另一个是表示去向的向格名词。因此这两个论元被由bar-作谓语的关系从句所修饰时显得非常自然。假如它们在关系从句中的位置被相应的词填满,动词bar-就算满足了自己的要求,从而关系从句后面出现的名词成为多余的成分,无法连结。这就是为什么例(24)的 (b)和(d)合语法,而(c)不合语法的原因。因此,要揭示维吾尔语关系从句的局限性,就需要描写每个动词的句法特征。当然。动词句法特征的描写不仅是对关系从句的分析有用,而且对母语不是维吾尔语的学生教授维吾尔语时也必不可少。 有的动词可能要求一个以上的名词作宾语和状语,如bär-“给”,tonuštur-“介绍”,sat-“卖”等。它们的句法特征应为:(28) bär- tonuštur- : 动词,[名词- ni 名词-GA ——] sat- 由这类动词作谓语的句子中的主语、宾语、状语等都可以分别被关系从句修饰。这里不再赘述。就动词的句法特征而言,带后置词的名词一般是比较弱的论元。因此这类名词被关系从句修饰时,意义较含糊:(29)Biz bir mäsilä toγruluq paraŋlaš- -tuq. 我们 一 问题 关于 谈话(I,过去,复)“我们就一个问题谈了话。”(30)[biz ti paraŋlašqan] bir mäsiläi “我们谈话的一个问题” 再如后置词täripidin“方面”在维吾尔语被动句里出现在逻辑主语之后。而这种主语也难以用关系从句修饰:(31)Yiγin oquγuči-lar uyušmi-si täripidin uyuš- -tur- -ul- -di. 会议 学生 们 联盟 的 方面 集会(使动)(被动)(过去) “会议由学生会组织。”(32)*[yiγin ti uyušturulγan] oquγučilar uyušmisii“*会议被组织的学生会” 在这种情况下;我相信大多数语言在主动意义上构成关系从句。在谈到后置词时,我们也不排除带bilän“用”,üčün“为,为了”的名词可以成为关系从句修饰的中心词的可能性。这要看具体上下文如何。 以上我们主要讨论了-GAn关系从句的使用条件和局限性。就其使用率来讲,-GAn关系从句是最常用的一种。下面讲一下-GUdäk关系从句和零形关系从句。 -GUdäk关系从句的构成和使用,一方面在句法上同样受到谓语动词句法特征的限制,另一方面在语义上选择一定的上下文。因而它的出现率很低。如上所述,它在语义上表示某种动作发生的可能性和潜在性。因此它所派生出来的原独立句必须有相应的意义。我们常听到人们喜欢在下列句子中用-GUdäk关系从句。如:(33)[Put-um --ni ti qoy -γudäk] yäri yoq. “无立锥之地。” 脚 我的(宾) 放 地 没有(34)(Män) [hal -im -ni ti eyt -qudäk] birär adämi tap--al -mi- -dim. 情况我的(宾) 说 某一 人 找到 能(否定)(I,过去) “我没能找到倾听自己心事的人。” 从以上的结构中看,被修饰名词在原句中有可能是带有向格的状语。但要恢复原句的形式,可能会出现好几种可能性。因此要看具体上下文而定。 零形关系从句一般在谓语是形容词或名词(有时后加一个系动词)的句子基础上形成,被修饰的名词可能是原句的领属格定语或者是被对比的主语。因此使用范围也较狭窄。我在例(11)中已举例说明了领属格名词成为中心词的情况。属于这一类型的结构还包括[ti boyi igiz] balai “个子高的孩子”,[ti apisi doxrur ] qizčaqi “母亲是医生的小姑娘”等。我在例(13)和(14)中也谈到了对比句中被对比名词成为关系从句中心词的情况。这里应该说明,有关系代词的语言里对比句中标准名词也可成为关系从句的中心词,维吾尔语里却不行。如在kiatp däptärdin qimmät“书比本子贵”这句里,kitab“书”是被对比名词,däptär“本子”是标准名词,qimmät“贵”是结论。那么,我们知道被对比名词kitap “书”完全可以被关系从句修饰:(35)[ti däqtärdin qimmät ] kitabi “比本子贵的书”但试图让标准名词däptär“本子”成为中心词就行不通了:(36)*[ kitab ty qimmät ] däptäry “*书贵的本子”这又是维吾尔语零形关系从句的局限性。 以上我们对维吾尔语关系从句的构成及其使用方面的局限性做了分析。这里应该顺便提到的是,好几个关系从句并列出现并修饰同一个名词是常见的现象。例如:(37)[ ti demokratiyä -mu bol-γan ], [ ti ärkinlik -mu bol-γan ], 民主 也 成为 自由 [ ti intizam -mu bol-γan ], [ ti köŋül azadilig - i- mu bol-γan ] muhiti纪律 心情 舒畅 环境 “有民主,又有自由,有纪律,又有个人心情舒畅的环境”但是,几个关系从句的连锁式重叠可能会给句子的理解度带来困难。如,让我们把“猫捉了老鼠,狗去追赶这只猫,然后一个人又去打这只狗”这样的结构中的所有信息保留下来,试图用关系从句的形式修饰最后的那个“人”:(38) [ ti čašqanh -ni tut-qan][ tj müšüki -ni qoγli-γan][tk itj -ni ur-γan] adämk 老鼠 捉 猫 追 狗 打 人“把抓老鼠的猫追赶的狗打的人”这种结构在理论上不但可以成立,而且可以无限地往两头扩展。只不过是听起来难以理解。因此,遇到这种情况时,人们往往把连锁式关系从句分解成几个独立句。5.结 论作为普遍语言现象,关系从句也存在于现代维吾尔语里。维吾尔语的关系从句有三种:-GAn关系从句、-GUdäk关系从句和零形关系从句。其中-GAn关系句最为常用。从结构上讲,维吾尔语关系从句都没有关系代词,因此都属空格类型。维吾尔语关系从句一般都出现在中心词的前面,起修饰或限定作用。每个关系从句的形成都以相应的独立句为基础,而句中的一个名词是否能被关系从句修饰,取决于该名词与谓语动词的关系如何。一般来讲,一个主语名词是句中任何一个动词都要求的论元,因此最容易成为关系从句所限定的成分。要使其它名词成为中心词,就要看谓语动词的句法特点。有些动词有一个以上的论元,因此可能形成的关系从句也不只一种。这些论元名词作中心词时,它们在关系从句中的相应位置必须空着。当这些位置被相应的名问填满时,关系从句就不能成立,因为这时它后面出现的名词无法与关系从句连结。这就是关系从句形成的条件和局限性。另外,每一种关系从句都有它自己的使用场合。这些都属于维吾尔语的特有规律。参考书目Andrews,A: Studies in the Syntax of Relative Clauses and Comparative Clauses. MIT,Dissertation. 1975.Comrie,B: Language Universals and Linguistic Typology.Chicago:Chicago University Press.1981.耿世民、吐尔逊•阿尤甫刊布《乌古斯汗传说》,维文,北京,民族出版社,1980。Greenberg;Y.H: Universals of Language.Cambridge,Mass.:MIT Press.1963.哈米提•铁木尔:《现代维吾尔语语法(形态学)》(维文),北京,民族出版社,1987。Jespersen,O:A Modern English Grammar,Syntax,V.Ⅱ,Part III.Heidelberg:Carl Winters Universtatsbuchhandlung,1927.Kornfilt,J: Infinitival Relative Clauses and Complementation in Turkish,to be published.1985.麻赫穆德•喀什噶里《突厥语大词典》,维文.乌鲁木齐,新疆人民出版社,1980年。Mallinson, G. & B1ake,B.J.: Language Typology,New York: North-Holland publishing Company,1981.Radford,A:Transformational Grammar.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1988.Shopen T.(ed.): Language Typology and Syntactic Description,V.1.,Clause Structure,Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.1985.杨业治等《德汉词典》.上海,上海译文出版社,1987。张会森主编,《现代俄语语法新编》,北京,商务印书馆,1980年。佐合拉•沙吾提《nemä一词在哈密方言中的特殊使用》(维文),《语言与翻译》,1994,第5期。                           ——喀什噶里维吾尔学

Tuesday, August 28, 2007

A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPAN

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10. This receipt-seal is mine.11. AsaÈ n TughmõÈ sh-Tu, myself, wrote this.Processional performances remain a very popular part of Uyghur folk literaturetoday and, as in the past, are performed as a kind of ritual drama. Theseoccur during religious festivals, at great ceremonies of renewal, or sometimes inabbreviated from on other occasions. Drama is an important part of theprocession, for which the participants dress up, carry artistic images, and act outa story to entertain their audience. These performances can be classi® ed as ritualbecause the form and content are stereotyped, repetitive, condensed and conventionalized.The performances are offered both for divine as well as humanenjoyment, and vary little as the troupes parade from temple to temple or frommosque to mosque. Most people who watch these say that it is all just fun, alocal tradition without special meaning. Ethnographers have acknowledged thereligious signi® cance of the procession without suggesting systematic interpretationof its various components, but the standardization of the processionalelements suggests a de® nite set of conventions; moreover, taboos and obligatoryritual greetings at the gods’ temples visited indicate that what goes on is morethan entertainment. Even taking into account the fact that some of theseperformances have lost their meaning and others have always been pureentertainment, ritual procession drama may nonetheless be seen as a fundamentalform of cultural expression in which both the participants and the observers saysomething about themselves.(C) Manichaean manuscriptsManichaeism was an important component in medieval Uyghur cultural development.This ancient religious belief originated with the Persian, Mani (216±274?CE), under the in¯ uence of Zoroastrianism, Buddhism and Christianity. Dualistin nature, Manichaeism postulates the struggle between Light (Good) and Dark(Evil). It came under the protection of Shapur I (r. 241±272 CE) of the SassanianEmpire, but it was banished by his successor, Bahram I [r. 273±293 CE] asheresy and, as a result, Mani himself was executed. During Mani’ s lifetime andsoon after his death, his religion spread to Egypt, Syria, and North Africa andlater reached Europe.4 According to a single reference in Chinese records,Manichaeism spread to the Uyghurs of the Orkhun River area in 762 CE. But theUyghur Manichaean documents discovered in the Turpan Basin date from aperiod earlier than this, to approximately the middle of the 6th century CE. In the7th century CE Manichaeism extended into China from Uyghuristan, speci® callyin the ® rst year of the reign of Empress Wu Zetian of the Tang dynasty.Manichaean beliefs were spread by a strati® ed clergy, called in Uyghur dintar,a term that originated from the Sogdian, meaning `the elect’ . The dintar wererequired to observe celibacy, to fast, abstain from alcohol and to be strictvegetarians. Laymen, or auditors, were allowed to marry and eat as they wished,295DOLKUN KAMBERIbut they were also supposed to be fairly abstemious and to be generous in givingalms.The basic teachings of the Manichaeans lent themselves to dramatization. Thetwo opposing principals of Light and Dark each had their own nature. Darknesswas assisted by the material world and, especially, the human body. Mani taughtthat time should be viewed in three phases: in the ® rst, good and evil wereseparated; in the second, the two mingled; and in the third, each was againdistinct. The human existed as a physical body and spirit only in the middlephase, and it was therefore each person’ s duty to separate from all physicalmatter. This would bring on a cleansing process, which Mani believed wouldthen usher in the third phase. When that time arrived, those who had succeededin freeing themselves from the material world would live on in the realm oflight, while those who failed were doomed to the realm of darkness.5 This beliefin dualities suggests a foundation for characterizing good and bad as antagonisticforces and lends itself to vivid portrayals of theatrical con¯ ict.In addition to the Uyghur Manichaean manuscript translated in this article,there are other such documents which have been published, including Iki YiltizNom, Huastwanivt,6 and Manichaean Poems (Le Coq 1911, 1919, 1922). Anewly discovered Manichaean document was recently published by ProfessorGeng Shimin as Notes on an Ancient Uyghur Of® cial Decree Issued to aManichaean Monastery. Huang Wenbi acquired this document during his® eldwork in the Uyghur region.7 The ® rst part, unfortunately, is missing, butsome 125 lines remain. The extant part is 270 cm long and 29.5 cm wide. Owingto damage and mistakes in mounting, some of the lines are now hard to decipher.However, the meaning as a whole is clear enough for this study. It is a decreeissued to a Manichaean monastery by the Uyghur government of the Qochoregion. Eleven red seals with Chinese characters are af® xed to the document.They are all of the same size, namely 10 cm 3 9.5 cm. The Chinese charactersare arranged in four lines. Huang Wenbi has not been successful in decipheringthe third line, but the whole of the seal text can be read as follows: Seal of thecabinet minister and of the Il UgaÈ si ministers of the great, fortunate Uyghurgovernment. The document itself is de® nitely written in the early Uyghur script.Judging from the form of the letters and the characteristics of the language, thisManichaean decree belongs to approximately the 9th century (Geng, 1991).A new addition to translated Manichaean documents appears below. I discoveredthis text at Bezeklik, Turpan, in the early 1980s. The manuscript is writtenon paper sheets 25 cm 3 11 cm and consists of ® ve leaves written on both sides,for a total of 10 pages of text. Each page has 20 lines written in beautifulmedieval Uyghur calligraphy. The ® rst two leaves (four sides) have 80 completelines of writing. The other three leaves are fragmented. At the beginning of eachpage is a title, written in different coloured ink, but unfortunately some parts ofthe titles are indiscernible. Today the manuscript, number 80 T.B. I, 542, is inthe Turpan Museum.I deciphered this document and have translated it into modern Uyghur,Chinese and English. The story tells of how Mani presented his teachings to a296A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANprince, Hormizd, and although the plot is simple, it is nonetheless conveyedthrough dialogue which adds dramatic tension. Mani advises the Prince that heshould worship the Lord every day, regardless of where he is or what he isdoing. He should always keep four words in mind: lord, light, strength, andwisdom. When Prince Hormizd asks what kind of bene® ts this might bring,Mani explains, but the Prince nonetheless decides to challenge Mani’ s power,providing the story with its dramatic moment. The following is my translationfrom the original medieval Uyghur manuscript of the dialogue between Maniand Prince Hormizd:`Now you should worship and praise the LordÐ the sun and the Moon every day. Youshould respect the ® ve Lords. No matter where you are walking, travelling, entering, orexiting, you should always keep these four words in your mouth (mind): they are Lord,Light, Strength, and Wisdom.’ Then the hostile Hormizd said to the Lord Mani Burkhan,`What kind of bene® t can one get if one keeps saying these four words?’ And then the LordMani Burkhan said to the Prince, `The way should be like thatÐ do not mix any otherwords into these four words. Valiancy and virtue, a special personal tethered horse, solidknowledge, a brave army, (and) the powerful value of you (yourself) (are yours) only whenyou keep these four words in your mouth (mind). Then (can) you deliver all of them fromthe abyss of misery.’ Since then, the hostile Hormizd Prince kept these four words in hismind. Wherever he travelled back and forth on the routes, or entered, exited, sat, stood, hekept these four words in his mouth. The Bagh, Rosn, Zawr, Zirivt, TaÈ ngri, Yaruq, KuÈ chluÈ k,and BilgaÈ .8 One day, the hostile Horzmid said to the Lord Mani Burkhan, `My Lord, youare so attractive and handsome. You are also lovely, pure and sweet. I know, you arepowerful, too. So, I want to compete for power between us. Let us see who is the strongerof the two of us.’ Then the Lord Mani Burkhan said to the hostile Hormizd, `You originatedfrom the root of the crowned Kings. All people think that their leader is powerful andmerciful. They hold great respect for you. I am a messenger of God. Hostility is notnecessary between us. You ask why? If I throw you down, or despise you, you will losethe respect of numerous people and you will become worthless. People will say it was aperson without drinking wine, without eating meat, who caused the hostile Hormizd Princeto fall on the ground. But if you throw me down, all people will say that the messenger ofGod, Mani Burkhan, is defeated by a man. He has become powerless and worthless. If youagree, we do not have to compete. There is no necessity to be hostile to each other.’ Afterthe hostile Hormizd heard these words, he was not happy in his mind. He still boasted andshowed off. The Lord Mani Burkhan said, `If you are not happy in your mind, we shouldgo to the place of tigers and elephants. We should go to the top of where an arrow canreach. We two shall go there without company. We can compete there.’ After the hostileHormizd heard these words, he was glad from his heart. The messenger of God, ManiBurkhan, took the hand of the hostile Hormizd. The two went to the place which has tigersand elephants.9The Manichaean story translated above is one of the most important medievalUyghur documents dating from the end of the 6th century. Such a manuscript,written in dialogue form and full of dramatic elements, provides ® rst-handmaterial for studying medieval Uyghur literature and history. In addition to thevarious manuscripts discussed here, many other documents unearthed fromBezeklik survive, but unfortunately the majority are only in fragments making it297DOLKUN KAMBERImost dif® cult to understand their complete content. Nonetheless, even thesefragments can be categorized, and today we know that these include suchdocuments as contracts, receipts for loans, of® cial orders, government documentsand the like. Together, they attest to the rich cultural life of the TurpanUyghurs’ medieval society.ConclusionAt the beginning of the 20th century, European explorers on the Silk Road madesome of the ® rst discoveries of artefacts and ancient texts from the Turpan area.German archaeologist Albert von Le Coq discovered numerous Uyghurmanuscripts, and even cut away important Buddhist frescoes, several hundredcases of which were shipped back to Berlin. The British archaeologist, M. AurelStein, visited Bezeklik and, as a result, came to believe that no other ® nds fromsimilar sites in the Turpan Basin could match these, which he considered parallelto the rich ancient paintings of the Dunhuang `Thousand Buddha Caves’ (Stein,1912). Professor Albert GruÈ nwedel (1856±1935) wrote in a letter dated 2 April1906: `For years, I have been endeavouring to ® nd a credible thesis for thedevelopment of Buddhist art and primarily to trace the ancient route by whichthe art of imperial Rome, etc., reached the Far East (Turpan and Kucha). WhatI have seen here goes beyond my wildest dream.’ (Along the Ancient Silk Routes,1982). As a result of these discoveries, the world was surprised by the aestheticsof Uyghur Buddhist civilization. The consensus was that the literary art of theTurpan Basin is the most representative and the best preserved of medievalUyghur Buddhist culture.The discoveries from TurpanÐartefacts, texts, and extensive remains ofancient towns and Buddhist sitesÐhave re-ignited discussion of cultural evolutionismand diffusionist theories (Taylor, 1924; Rogers, 1926). In fact, neithertheory can essentially solve the theoretical problem of national cultural developmentin Central Asia. This is because neither adequately explains the developmentof both traditional culture and cultural traditions of a nation. The researchpresented above suggests another theory, one concerned with the mixture ofdifferent cultures and with the many levels of national cultural development.This theory arises from my many years of study and includes the following basictenets: All national culture consists of traditional culture and also culturaltraditions and is therefore not `pure’ . In any space/region the cultural structureis always plural, mixed; over time, a structure exists on many levels, and thusthe development of traditional culture is steady, slow and sometimes resistant toexternal in¯ uence, depending on internal cultural structural development. Thedevelopment of a cultural tradition, on the other hand, is active, rapid andabsorbing. It depends on the processes of external environmental development.Regardless of the level or the rate of natural (environmental) development anation undergoes, all nations have the potential to develop as a national cultureand may also become a universal in¯ uence affecting many other cultures.Scholars cannot divide humankind into `civilizing’ nationsÐthose who seek to298A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANspread their culture across continentsÐand `natural’ nations that simply absorboutside in¯ uences, as suggested in diffusionist theory. Such theories are still inneed of reliable evidence and cannot adequately explain developments in CentralAsian history.To conclude, I staunchly believe that early in the next century Central Asiawill once more become one of the most exciting sites for research in archaeologyand cultural anthropology. However, I also feel a growing urgency to carry outsuch research as the lands of the ancientÐand modernÐUyghurs are rapidlychanging. Oil production in the Tarim Basin will soon have an impact on theinternational economy but may also hinder future excavations; and issues raisedby Chinese minority policy objectives and environmental problems resultingfrom nuclear testing in the Kroran (Lop Nor) area are other matters of growingconcern in the region. Further exploration of the Uyghur past must not whither,for I deeply believe that without Uyghur history there can be no Central Asianhistory; without Central Asian history, there can be no Asian history; andwithout Asian history there can be no true history of the world.Notes and references1. Kalp originated from the Sanskrit word used for measuring time.2. The term idqut means `happy king’ or `happy lord’ . This is translated into Chinese as gaochang. After the11th century, the word appears as õ È duq-qut, which is still used to refer to a Uyghur governor. But the wordalso means `once we were happy’ . The kingdom of Idqut was occupied by the Ling dynasty in 327 CE, andlater became the seat of the QuÈ family kingdom in 460 CE. From the time of the Idqut Uyghur Khanateonwards, Buddhist culture ¯ ourished there.3. See A. von Gabain, Maitrisimit II, Berlin, 1961.4. Ren Ju Yu. Zong jiao zidian (A Dictionary of Religions). Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 1981, 1140.5. Ibid.6. The original Uyghur title is NihussaÈ klaÈ rning Suyõ È n Yazuqõ È n oÈ kuÈ nguÈ Haustuanivt. This is one of the mostimportant and longest Uyghur Manichaen texts. It has attracted worldwide scholarly attention since ® rsttranslated in 1911; the text, 221 lines long, has been translated into German, English, French, Russian andChinese.7. This document was reproduced in the 1954 edition of Turpan kaogu diaocha (Explorations in theArchaeology of Turpan) (plates 89±94). The original, in the form of a scroll, is in the collection of theBeijing History Museum (Serial No. Zong 8782 T, 82).8. The original Uyghur document presents the four words ® rst in their Persian form and then in Uyghur. Thisdocument shows us that scholars who believed that the Turkic or Uyghur word baÈ g originated from thePersian word bagh are correct.9. In line 71 of the original text, the origin of the word aÈ sbir is unknown. From the context, it seems it couldbe translated as `a place which has tigers and elephants’ , but it is not clear why Mani would suggest thatthe two go to such a place. The translation of the term is made more problematic by Mani’ s statement thatthey should go to the highest point which an arrow can reach. The latter is suggestive of other stories ofthe period which tell of shooting an arrow to decide borders. The phrase might also refer to determiningthe limit of power between Manichaeism and secular kingship; alternatively it could also mean to gowithout any precondition. A de® nitive translation must await further research.BibliographyAbdursul, Idris (1993) `Xinjiang Diqu Xishiqi Yizi (The neolithic sites of Xinjiang Region)’ . Xinjiang Wenwu,4: 15±59.(1982) Along the Ancient Silk Routes, New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.Almas, Turghun (1989) Uygurlar (The Uyghurs). UÈ ruÈ mchi: Xinjiang Yashlar OÈ smuÈ rlaÈ r NaÈ shiryati.Bang, W. (1929±1931) TuÈ rkish Turpan Texte. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.299DOLKUN KAMBERICarter, Thomas and Goodrich, Carrington (1988). The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward.New York: The Ronald Press Company, 147.Chen Ge (1988) `Xinjiang Hejing Xian Chawuhu Goukou Yihao Mudi (Number One Cemetery at CharwighulPass of Hotunsunbul in Xinjiang).’ Kaogu Xuebao, 1: 75±99.Chen Ge (1995) `Xinjiang Yuangu Wenhua Chulun (A Preliminary Study of Ancient Culture in Xinjiang)’Zhongya Xuekan, 4: 5±72.Clauson (1972) An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century Turkish. 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UÈ ruÈ mchi: Xinjiang KhaÈ lq NaÈ shriyati.(Modern Uyghur Version).Rogers, Everett (1926) Diffusion of Innovations New York: Free Press.300A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANStein, Aural (1912) Ruins of Desert Cathay I± II, London: Macmillan.Taylor, Edward Burnett (1924) Primitive Culture: Research into the Development of Mythodology, Philosophy,Religion, Language, Art, and Custom. New York: Brentano’ s Publishers.Wang Binghua (1993) Sichou Zhi Lu Kaogu Yanjiu (The Studies of Archeology on the Silk Road). UÈ ruÈ mchi:Xinjiang Renmin Chubanshe.WaÈ li, Qurban (1987) `Gongyuan Wushiji de Huiguwen Mujian’ Wenwu, 1: 63.Xinjiang Ijtima-i PaÈ nlaÈ r TaÈ tqiqati//Xinjing Shehuikexue Yanjiu (The Studies of Xinjiang Academy of SocialSciences). UÈ ruÈ mchi: the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences. 1986±1996 (bimonthly in Uyghur andChinese).Xinjiang Kaogu San Shi Nian (Thirty Years of Xinjiang Archaeology). 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By www.kashghari.com/en

A survey of Uyghur documents from

Central Asian Survey (1999), 18(3), 281±301
A survey of Uyghur documents from
Turpan and their importance forAsian and Central Eurasian history
DOLKUN KAMBERIIntroduction
Since the end of the 19th century, numerous cultural relics and historicaldocuments have been unearthed in the Turpan Basin in present-day northwesternChina. Among them are medieval Uyghur manuscripts that provide invaluablehistorical material for scholars studying the history, literature, language, religionand arts of Uyghur civilization. The unearthed Turpan manuscripts and thediscoveries of the ancient mummi® ed human remains from the Tarim Basin inrecent years have rekindled scholarly debate about Central Asian history ingeneral and Uyghur history in particular. Coverage of these discoveries in theinternational media has captured not only the popular imagination but also theinterest of scholars now engaged in heated debate about the origins anddevelopment of the Indo-European UyghursÐthe single most populous group inChina’ s Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region.But who are the Uyghurs? Where is the Turpan Basin? Where else have theUyghurs lived in Central Eurasia? How, when, and why did they acceptBuddhism, Manichaeism and, ® nally, Islam? By what names did neighbours tothe east and west identity them in history? When did they become a part ofChina? How do we develop Uyghur historiography and how best to integratenewly unearthed archaeological evidence into Asian and Central Asian history?These important questions address such key historical issues as the spread ofreligious belief across cultures, migration across all of Eurasia, and culturalexchange over many centuries that linked the peoples of the vast Eurasiansteppe.Five hundred million years ago, there was only the land of the Tarim andYarish in the centre of Eurasia, surrounded by the waters of an inland sea. Aftera crustal upheaval in the Paleozoic Era, the waters of the sea graduallydisappeared. Approximately at the end of the third period of the Cenozoic Era,Dolkun Kamberi is senior editor, Radio Free Asia, Uyghur Broadcast ServicePrint 0263-4937; Online 1465-3354/99/030281-21Ó1999 Central Asian SurveyDOLKUN KAMBERIwhat was formerly the sea ¯ oor protruded and became the great mountain rangesthat today surround the Tarim and Yarish [Jungarian] Basins.According to Uyghur legends, this pre-historic period was `the time when thethree mountain ranges gripped the three basins’ . Today, the Uyghur homelandencompasses the Tarim, Yarish and Turpan Basins. The three basins aresurrounded by some of the world’ s highest mountain ranges: the Qurum(Karum), Qara-Qurum (Kara-Korum) and Altun mountains in the south; the`roof of the world’ Pamirs in the southwest; the Altay mountains of the north;and the TaÈ ngri (Tianshan) ranges which bisect today’ s Uyghur region. The latterseparate the Yarish (Jungar) Basin of the north from the Tarim Basin of thesouth. The Turpan Basin lies to the east of the Tangri mountain ranges,contiguous to the famous Buddhist caves of Dunhuang.Early in the century, German scholars published numerous scholarly workson Central Asia and on medieval Uyghur manuscripts in particular. Thelatter included such works as Uigurica, Turkische Turpantexte, Deutsche TurpanForschung, Berliner Turpantexte, and the like. These works and researchmaterials established the foundation for the ® eld of Turkology; at the sametime, they also stimulated explorers to search Central Asia for artefactsof past civilizations, resulting in a century of Silk Road archaeologicalexploration.Building upon this base, in the past few decades the study of Turpan Uyghurmanuscripts and Dunhuang documents has reached new heights. According tothe character and speci® c achievements in archeological ® eld work, I havedivided a century of archeological explorations in the Turpan and surroundingarea into four distinct periods. The ® rst was between 1886 and 1935; the secondfrom 1935 to 1955; the third 1955 to 1976; and the fourth from 1976 to 1996.During these four periods, archeologists discovered a range of manuscripts atTurpan and other sites written in a variety of ancient scripts. Among the mostimportant were well-preserved ancient texts in Sanskrit, Sogdian, Karoshti,Khotan-Tumshuqese, Tokharian A, Tokharian B, and many medieval Uyghurtexts as well (Kamberi, 1996).Since 1975 I have been involved in archeological ® eld work in the TurpanBasinÐa rich archeological site where extreme aridity has preserved manyimportant artefacts that include naturally mummi® ed human remains, art work inbronze and gold, textiles, and numerous petroglyphs. It is also the site ofdiscovery of numerous medieval Uyghur documents, charting both religiouspractice and economic development in the region. Religious documents includeworks of Uyghur Buddhist and Manicheaen literature, fragments of Manicheaenstories and poems, and Buddhist sutras, sutra colophons, dedicatory odes; thereis also much evidence of socioeconomic development, including fragments ofcontracts, receipts for loans, of® cial orders, government documents and the like.I have deciphered and translated many of these manuscripts, noting that each hasits own characteristics in terms of ideology, language and culture. Thesematerials provide ® rst-hand data for the further study of Asian and Uyghurhistory.282A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANThe UyghursThe basic meaning of the name Uyghur is unity, but it may also be translatedas union, coalition or federation. The name appeared ® rst in records of theOrkhun KoÈ k TuÈ rk inscriptions and in early Uyghur. Later forms of the name canbe found in medieval Uyghur script, the Manichaean’ s Sogdian script, and theArabic script of the Qarakhanid and Chagatay period. Apart from these InnerAsian forms, the name can also be found in different periods and diverse textsin Chinese, appearing in more than 100 transliterated forms. The latter includesuch forms as Die, Chidie, Hu Saka/Scythian, Hun, Uysun, Dingling, Qangqil,Sogdian, and Tokharian.The lands inhabited by the above groups were called the Western Regions, orthe Western States in ancient Chinese records. Because of their location on theancient trade routes between East and West, connecting the Greco-Roman worldwith Indian Buddhist culture and with the Central and East Asian traditions, theregion that includes Turpan was very prosperous. Passing merchants’ caravansand warrior parties made stops for extended periods of time, leaving behind theirlegacy of material wealth and cultural practices. In the process, they imparted tothe region a cosmopolitan character, marked by linguistic, racial and religioustolerance. Uyghur culture and art at Turpan and other Silk Road sites thusdeveloped not only on the basis of their own steppe traditions but was alsoin¯ uenced by cultural exchange between the East and West.One of the most interesting facets of early Uyghur civilization is the developmentof a sophisticated urban culture. Although little attention has been paid toUyghur urbiculture in scholarly research, there is, in fact, a good deal ofdocumentation as well as archaeological relics that provide us with evidence ofurban society. One of the earliest written texts referring speci® cally to cities inthe early medieval period is the Maitrisimit, the Uyghur author of which wrote:Bu buyan aÈ dguÈ qõ È lõÈ nch kuÈ chintaÈ taÈ ngridaÈ m chogh yalõ È nlarõ È ashõ È lzun uÈ staÈ lzun ulusõ È mõ È nbalõ È qlõ È rõ È mõ È koÈ zaÈ duÈ ichtin sõÈ ngar ¼ migaÈ n bolmazun tashtõ È n sõÈ ngar yaghõ È boÈ ri bolmazunqamughun tõ È nlõ È ghlar maÈ ngilig bolzunlar.With aid from the power of merit and virtuous doing, I hope that the dignity of the highestlords will be greatly raised. Let them protect our state and cities; let us live without internalmisery, or the external world-like enemy; let all creatures be happy. (Kamberi, 1995)Another important written source on Uyghur cities is the 11th-century encyclopediaDiwan LughatõÈ t TuÈ rk by Uyghur scholar MaÈ khmud QaÈ shqaÈ ri. In thiswork, the author writes that the Uyghurs have a `long history of an urbanizedlifestyle’ . Under his entry for the name `Uyghur’ , he records that the Uyghursbuilt ® ve cities after Alexander the Great left his footprints in Central Asia; heindicated the position of these cities on his famous map of Asia. The followingdirect translation from the encyclopedia mentions the source of his information,a man of princely rank who acquired his information from his father, the Khan:Uyghur is the name of a state. It has ® ve cities. These cities were built after ZulqarnaÈ yin*reached an agreement with the Turk Khaqan. Nizamidin Isra® l Tuqan Tigin, the son of283DOLKUN KAMBERIMaÈ khmud ChaqõÈ r Tutqa Khan, told me what [information] he acquired from his father andsaid: When ZulqarnaÈ yin arrived near the Uyghur state, the Turk Khaqan sent four thousandtroop against him. The feathers of the troop’ s helmets are like the wings of an eagle. Theyshoot arrows forward as well as they do backward. ZulqarnaÈ yin was amazed by their skilland said: `They could ® nd food for feeding themselves without depending on others; nobird and beast would escape from their hunting. Whenever they want food, they can huntto eat’ . Since that time the state was called Uyghur. (Kamberi, 1995)*In Central Asia, Alexander the Great is known as IskaÈ ndaÈ r ZulqarnaÈ yin.Clearly, by the 11th-century the Uyghurs were known as a Central Asianpower. The encyclopedia notes that they have a `strong army’ with `excellentmilitary equipment’ , and are known to be `courageous and skillful in battle’ .These elements were no doubt one reason why QaÈ shqaÈ ri felt secure in describingthem as a `completely independent’ people since the time of Alexander theGreat. Interestingly, the words ascribed to Alexander have taken on newsigni® cance in light of recent archaeological discoveries: many of the recentlyunearthed mummies of the Tarim Basin wear hats trimmed with goose feathers,corroborating QaÈ shqaÈ ri’ s account of helmets decorated with feathers, as citedabove.MaÈ khmud QaÈ shqaÈ ri also discussed the Uyghurs of his own era. He dividedthem into two groups according to their religious beliefs. Those living south ofthe TaÈ ngri [Tianshan] in the capital cities of QaÈ shqaÈ r and Balasaghun hadalready converted to Islam, as had QaÈ shqaÈ ri himself. Those living north of theTaÈ ngri, where the most important cities were BaÈ sh Balõ È q and IÈ dqut, followeddifferent faiths, including Buddhism, Manichaeanism and Nestorian Christianity,although the latter group was small. Because these Uyghurs were not Muslim,he de® ned them as `the most in® del’ of people. Speci® cally, of the contemporaneousnorthern Uyghurs, he wrote:The State of Uyghur has ® ve cities. Their people are the most ferocious in® dels, and themost skilful shooters. Those cities are Solmi, which ZulqarnaÈ yin let them build, and Qochu,Jan Balõ È q and Yengi Balõ È q. (Kamberi, 1995)More evidence of Uyghur urbiculture comes from the important observationsfound in the report of the medieval Arab traveller, Tamim Ibn Bahr, who visitedUyghur cities at the end of the 8th century. Of the Uyghur capital city he wrote:This is a great town, rich in agriculture and surrounded by rustaqs [villages] full ofcultivation and villages lying close together. The town has twelve iron gates of huge size.The town is populous and thickly crowded and has markets and various trades. Among itspopulation, the Zindiq (atheist, non-Muslim) religion prevails. (Minorsky, 1948)One of the most important written descriptions of Uyghur urbiculture andcivilization comes from a Chinese traveller, Wang Yande. Wang visited theUyghurs in 981 CE and submitted a written report to the Song dynasty court uponhis return. Because his account is written in great detail, presented in a coherentand clear writing style, his is among the most valuable written sources on10th-century Uyghur culture. As he neared the town of Qumul (Hami), he wrote:284A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANWe next passed through the I-li Wang-zi (Ellig Prince’ s) domain. There (we came to) theHelochuan (river). It is the place where the Uyghur princesses of the Tang period resided(618±907 CE). The foundation of the city wall still remains. There are lots of hot springs.Tradition has it that formerly the Kitan were herding sheep for the Uyghurs, and the Tatarswere herding cattle for the Uyghurs. When the Uyghurs migrated to Gan Zhou, the Kitanand Tatar struggled for supremacy and fought among themselves. (Izgi, 1972)Wang continues his account with a vivid depiction of a ¯ ourishing medievalUyghur culture, describing an urban environment, textile production, irrigated® elds with varied agricultural products, and many orchards. He notes that thereis no poverty, suggesting good government and strong leadership in this af¯ uenturban centre:The river which comes out of the Ching-ling mountain is led to encircle all the national city(capital) and to irrigate farms and orchards and to run water mills. This place produces thewu-ku (® ve grains) but no ch’ iao mai (buckwheat). Rich people eat horse (meat). The resteat beef and wild geese. In their music they use many kung-hou (ancient musicalinstrument). They produce sable skin pelts and cotton and embroidered-design blossomcloth. In this land there are no poor people. They give relief to those who lack food. Peoplemostly live long, generally over a hundred years. There are not any at all who die young¼ We rested at the Kao-tai (high platform) monastery. Their king (Arslan Khan) cookedlambs and horses. The King, the princesses, and the heir-apparent each breed horses. Theygraze them in a ¯ at valley which stretches out more than one thousand li (one li equals halfa kilometre). They distinguish their herds by the colour of the coats (of the horses). Nobodyknows the number of the herds (innumerable herds). The spread of the Pei-t’ ing (BaÈ shBalõ È q) valley is several thousand li. There are found eagles, kites, falcons and vultures.There is much nice grass, below which there are pebble-rats (gophers?) as big as hares.Birds of prey catch and eat them. (Izgi, 1972)In addition to the textual evidence discussed above, information on Uyghururbiculture also comes from the work of the medieval Uyghur thinker, YuÈ suÈ pKhas Hajip. This author of poetic dramas devoted the longest chapter of hiswork, Outadghu Bilik, to discussion of the quali® cations and values of Uyghurleaders and professionals, con® rming the existence of a rich urban culture inInner Asia (Outadghu Bilik, 1984). From this and other texts noted above, it isevident that the medieval Uyghurs built cities and developed a distinctivecultural life, earning a place of importance within Central Asian history.Archaeological evidence is another category of proof for the vitality ofUyghur urbiculture. Fieldwork in the present-day oasis of Turpan has deepenedour understanding of medieval urban life through the discovery of new artefactsand written records. The results of some of this recent excavation work aresummarized in the following sections.Historic Turpan and environsThe name Turpan means settlement in medieval Uyghur. Turpan was once astrategic town on the Silk Road noted for its Buddhist culture during themedieval period. Chinese and Uyghur texts from the pre-Qangqil, Qocho,285DOLKUN KAMBERIWestern Uyghur, and IdõÈ qut Uyghur Khanate all refer to the Turpan Basin ofUyghuristan. During medieval times, Turpan was the capital city of the Idõ È qutUyghur Empire and one of the centres of Uyghur culture. The territory of thiskingdom varied over time, but the city and its immediate environs remained thepolitical and cultural centre of Uyghuristan throughout the 15th century. Theimportant Bezeklik Buddhist cave complex, about 46 kilometres northeast ofpresent-day Turpan and 3 kilometres from Murtuq village, is evidence of thearea’ s importance as a religious centre. At Bezeklik, there are 84 cave grottoescarved into cliffs above a stream which ¯ ows along the ¯ oor of a deep gorge.Turpan is also the name given to the Turpan Basin, located northeast of thelarger Tarim Basin. The eastern reaches of the TaÈ ngri (Tianshan) Mountains areto the north of the basin which is 240 kilometres wide from north to south and300 miles in length. The basin holds East Asia’ s lowest point, Ayding Lake,whose surface is 154 metres below sea level, second only to that of the Dead Seain Jordan. The basin is also the hottest place in East Asia. Although it isextremely arid, with less than 16 millimetres of annual rainfall, it has plentifulwater resources for irrigation as a result of rivers that run into the depressionfrom the surrounding mountains. Since ancient times, this water has beenaccessible to cultivators via a unique irrigation system of deep, interconnectedunderground channels called kariz. The steady water supply has sustainedTurpan oases’ population whose cotton and grapevines have long been amongthe famous products of this productive area.Human settlement of Turpan can be traced back to as early as 10,000 BCE, thelate Paleolithic and Neolithic periods. Numerous stone implements have beenunearthed to the west of the Yarghul River, in the desert northwest of Astana,and along the southern rim of the Turpan Basin. Archeological discoveriescon® rm ancient records that the Turpan region was settled and developed into apowerful kingdom by the Qangqil peoples in the ® rst millennium BCE. They werefollowed by many kingdoms founded by such people as the ToÈ lis, Turan, Hun,Jurjan (Ruan Ruan), Turk, and Uyghur peoples. Archeologists have uncoverednumerous burial sites, Buddhist and Manichaean temples, and documents writtenin various scripts throughout the Turpan Basin. The burials, in particular, haveyielded a fascinating array of items, including unique pottery vessels, sophisticatedbronze weaponry and gold ornaments, and advanced woven woollenfabrics. Some of these are artefacts of the Qangqil, forerunners of the Uyghurwho established their capital at Yarghul (referred to as Jiaohe by the Chinese),about 10 kilometres west of today’ s Turpan. Situated on a narrow plateau thatrises some 30 metres above the river beds on either side, the plateau has asurface area of 49,000 square metres. This ancient city was inhabited from the3rd century BCE to the 15th century CE and is now a UNESCO world heritagesite.In the beginning of the 5th century CE, the centre of political power in theTurpan area was shifted from Yarghul to the ancient city of Idiqut, by the kingof the QuÈ family. Idiqut was a walled city, with an outside circumference of over5 kilometres. The extant city walls are approximately 12 metres thick at the base286A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANand 11 metres high. The city is divided into three sections: the palace city; theinner city; and the outer city. From its founding in the 2nd century CE to the 10thcentury CE, it remained a strategically important site. Artefacts and textualsources indicate that it was an international, cosmopolitan centre with diversepeoples, religions and a well-developed culture. This is illustrated clearly by therich and remarkable ® nds from graveyard sites near Idiqut. More than 450 graveshave been excavated from the famous Astana and Qara-Khoja sites, from whichover 10,000 cultural relics have been unearthed. Among the extraordinarilywell-preserved artefacts from Astana are wooden ® gurines, paper documents,paintings on silk, a bouquet of funerary ¯ owers made of silk, plaited silkslippers, a variety of dyed or embroidered silks, and bags of millet, wheat, cottonseed and fruit. Items of daily use include a wooden ruler, writing brushes,Persian silver coins, Roman golden coins, the dried remains of boiled dumplings,nan (¯ at bread that remains a staple of the diet today), dough patties, and¯ ower-shaped cookies. All these different objects show various aspects of thesocial life and culture of the ancient Uyghur people (Kamberi, 1996).Of special importance are the many written texts unearthed at Turpan. Manyof these documents are so well preserved that even today they remain clear andeasy to decipher. The majority of the manuscripts unearthed from Bezeklik werewritten in the old Uyghur language. Some are written in Chinese and others inSanskrit, Sogdian, Tanghut and Tokarian. Among those I personally uncoveredin Turpan is a Manichaean scripture written in the Sogdian language. The papersize is 268 cm 3 26 cm. There are two musical ® gures painted in colour at thecentre of the scroll. This is one of the most valuable historiographic treasuresof Manichaeaism in the world, and I have described it in detail elsewhere(Kamberi, 1984).Uyghur manuscripts of the Turpan areaUyghur manuscripts unearthed from Turpan concern the religious, economic andcultural interaction of medieval Uyghurs with the peoples of neighbouringcountries during the period from the 8th to the 11th centuries. These documents,detailed below, reveal that the Uyghurs continued to develop as a civilizationand to expand their role as the leading cultural in¯ uence along the whole of theSilk Road in Central Asia.Among the most important caches of such texts is the Buddhist site atBezeklik. The name itself means `a place being decorated’ . `Being decorated’can also be extended to mean `wall painting’ or `the place with art’ in medievalUyghur. Many Bezeklik documents are preserved in museum collections inGermany, France, England, Japan and Russia; special items are today housed inBeijing, Urumchi and Turpan. These documents can be divided according to themedium used into two categories: written manuscripts and woodblock prints.The manuscripts are further divided into those written on one side and thosewritten on both sides; printed documents are one-sided. There are also a fewpages of Uyghur Buddhist sutras interspersed with Sanskrit, and small fragments287DOLKUN KAMBERIwith the Chinese translation added. The following is a brief classi® cation ofthese Uyghur documents unearthed from Turpan, in Uyghur script and Uyghurlanguage, based on the medium used.I. Woodblock Print Documents (one side only).A. Printed in Uyghur script.B. Printed in Uyghur script with Chinese characters inserted.C. Printed in Uyghur with Brahmi script inserted.II. Written Manuscripts.A. Formal style (Sutra writing style).1. Written on one side (on thick or thin paper, in formal Uyghur script).2. Written on both sides.(a) Both sides in formal Uyghur script.(b) One side in Uyghur, the other in Chinese.B. Cursive style.1. Written on one side.(a) Written on thin paper in very cursive Uyghur script.(b) All written in formal Uyghur.2. Written on both sides.(a) Both sides in Uyghur.(b) One side in Uyghur, the other in Brahmi.(c) Both sides in Uyghur, interspersed with Chinese.(d) One side in Uyghur, the other in Chinese.(e) Both sides in Chinese, with Uyghur written in columns in between.The Chinese characters inserted in some texts are simply numbers in mostinstances, but some fragments with interspersed Chinese are the remnants of anUyghur-Chinese dictionary. The Brahmi text consists of phonetic notes onSanskrit Buddhist terms. Of the documents with writing on both sides, thecontent of the Uyghur text differs from the Chinese text. Documents in Chinesewith Uyghur inserted in columns in between also have different contents on eachside.The unearthed evidence shows that the Idiqut Uyghur Kingdom was not onlya Buddhist cultural centre, but was also a printing centre, producing literaryworks and documents of many kinds. Wooden movable type for medievalUyghur discovered at Turpan dates back to the Idiqut Uyghur Khanate (605±1250 CE). The wooden type and the many documents from Turpan validate thetheory that block printing was primarily a Uyghur or Central Asiatic invention(Carter and Goodrich, 1988). It is also signi® cant that almost all the blockprinting of medieval Uyghur found thus far is used for Buddhist documents.These have been found at almost every site excavated in the Turpan Basin.288A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANToqsun, at the western edge of the Turpan oasis, is the western-most point atwhich Central Asian block printing has been discovered.Scholars know that the invention of printing from carved blocks made itpossible to produce multiple copies of a text with only one set of carved blocks,thus increasing the quantity of books produced and facilitating the disseminationof knowledge. Turpan played an important role in extending knowledge ofBuddhism as well as disseminating Buddhist learning for hundreds of years,proving that `¼ there was during the early Mongol times in the monasteries ofthe Turpan region a highly developed and widely extended printing industry,which had very likely been going on for several centuries’ (Carter and Goodrich,1988).These early Uyghur printing techniques as well as the literature and thedocuments themselves provide historical evidence for social activities in medievalUyghur cultural development. The texts can be classi® ed into generalcategories based on their contents: (A) Buddhist manuscripts; (B) Literarydocuments; and (C) Manichaean manuscripts. Examples from each of thecategories are detailed below.(A) Buddhist manuscriptsAlthough the early Buddhist teaching of Gautama Buddha (also known as PrinceSiddhartha of the Sakya clan, and as Sakyamuni Sage of the Sakyas) probablybegan in the 6th century (C. 563±483 BCE), its oldest surviving remains andmanuscripts are dated much later. The ® rst independent evidence for Buddhismcomes in the reign of the Maurya Emperor Asoka (273±232 BCE), whose stoneinscriptions are the earliest Indian historical records. They mainly explain abenevolent creed which he called dharma, a word also used for Buddism. As thereligion spread and developed, the belief in Maitreya, the future Buddha (or, theBuddha Yet to Come) emerged among many Buddhist communities. Among theimportant Turpan texts is a medieval manuscript in Uyghur, the Maitrisimit,which records the story of Sakyamuni anointing Maitreya as his successor. Thisdocument is also the oldest written source to suggest a speci® c age for thebeginning of the Buddha’ s journey to enlightenment, as indicated in thefollowing translation from the original text by the author:Line 19: bu oÈ duÈ n ayaghqa taÈ gimligLine 20: burkhan toquz otuz yashõ È nta kapilavasLine 21: tu balõ È qtõ È n koÈ ruÈ nchuÈ laÈ yuÈ uÈ nuÈ p nayanchanLine 22: oÈ guÈ z qõ È dõ È ghõ È nta altõÈ yõ È l alp qõÈ lõ È shõ È ghLine 24: ishlaÈ yuÈ r oghurdaAt the time that the respected Buddha was twenty-nine years old, he secretly went out ofthe Kapilavastu city, on the side of the Nairanjana River and practised his belief withdevotion for six years ¼ (Kamberi, 1988)Other texts unearthed at Turpan indicate that medieval Uyghur Buddhistliterature and art ¯ ourished during the period of the Idiqut Uyghur Khanate in289DOLKUN KAMBERIthe Turpan Basin and spread throughout the Uyghur lands. These includeUyghur Buddhist literature, Buddhist sutras fragments, whole sutras, colophons,dedicatory odes, poems in praise of the Buddha, offering to the Buddha bysentient beings, as well as courteous Buddhist words that believers offeredrespectfully to the heavens. The two pieces of Buddhist writings selected here asexamples were discovered in Turpan in the early 1980s. Both relate to teachingsabout the future Buddha, Maitreya.The ® rst item, which I have assigned the number 80 T.B. I, 598, consists ofonly one page with six lines of characters, comprising seven sentences. Thepaper size is 20.5 cm 3 10 cm and the size of the script is 16 cm 3 6.5 cm. Thehandwriting is ordinary, but the language is excellent. After deciphering theselines, it became clear that it was a Buddhist document, but it was unclear initiallyas to what sutra it might belong.Further research, however, ® nally revealed that this page belongs to the thirdparagraph of the fourth Saddharma (Praising Maitreya), in the work VajracchedikaprajnaParamikta Sutra. This medieval Uyghur version was translatedfrom Sanskrit to Chinese by Fu Dashi, in the Liang Wudi period, 502±549CE. The Vajracchedikaprajna Paramikta Sutra was translated into Chinese inseveral different versions. Three versions, translated by Kumarajiva, Bodhiruci,and Chen Zhendi in the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties (420±589CE), became known as the Jingangjing. In the Tang dynasty, new translations byYi Jing and the monk Xuanzhang (Samszo) were known as the Neng DuanJingang Baropolomidojing.According to this sutra: `All things are empty, illusory and without substance;what appears real is actual illusion.’ It recommends one to `extricate oneselffrom all of appearance’ and become `without abode’ , which means one shouldnot rigidly cling to the `real’ world. Perhaps Uyghurs had received such ideas inthe Idiqut Uyghur Khanate period, or earlier. The transliteration and translationof this fragment of the sutra reads as follows:Transliteration in the ® rst line. Translation in the second line.1. (uÈ lguÈ suÈ z) k(a) lplartõÈ n1 baÈ ruÈ ki awant-lar tõ È ltaghlar1. Since time immemorial, predestined relationships were2. igid saqõ È nch aÈ rsaÈ r qaltõ È yawlagh yaghõ È taÈ g aÈ ruÈ r2. wild fantasy and vain thought exactly like an evil enemy.3. az amranmaq koÈ nguÈ l aÈ rsaÈ r aghulugh yõ È lanqa okhshayurc3. A loveless and senseless heart is like a poisonous snake.4. biroÈ k kuÈ suÈ sh-taÈ turup kuÈ suÈ sh-suÈ z bulghalõ È usar4. However, if one lives in an avaricious world without greed,5. niz-wani-ta turup niz-waniqa yoqlunmasar5. and lives in a vexed society uninfected by vexation,6. yirtinchuÈ uÈ zaÈ tayansar kkir-siz arõÈ gh orunqa6. standing ® rmly on the earth, one will reach the unblemished7. timin oÈ k tanuqlaghalõ È uyur nom khanõ È nõ È ngaÈ toÈ zin7. pure land and immediately gain the body of the moral king.This text is written in standard medieval Uyghur literary language. There is290A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANone Sanskrit loan word (kalp) which was commonly used in medieval UyghurBuddhist documents, and there are three Sogdian loan words (awant, niz-wan,nom). These suggest that the piece was probably translated from the Sanskritoriginal or from a Sogdian text. The translator showed surprising skill, choosingwords carefully to convey accurately abstract Buddhist philosophical concepts.The second item, to which I have assigned the number 80 T.B. I, 596, consistsof only three pages (numbered 596±1, 596±2, and 596±3). Each wood blockprinted page has ® ve lines of medieval Uyghur script, with a few insertedSanskrit characters. Because the three pages of the document come fromdifferent sections of the same sutra, I have selected only one page (596±1) fortransliteration and translation, below. This page is on paper 28 cm 3 11 cm, andthe script is 19 cm 3 7.4 cm in height.Transliteration in ® rst line. Translation in second line.1. Bu anchulayu KaÈ lmish-laÈ -gaÈ yiti aÈ rdini-1. If one worships the Buddha using2. laÈ r tapõ È nsar udõÈ nsar ol buyan2. seven kinds of treasure, merits3. aÈ dguÈ qõ È lõ È nchõ È ±nõ È ng uÈ lguÈ sin taÈ gin3. and good deeds would be measurable, but4. uÈ lguÈ laÈ gaÈ li sanaghalõ È boghay ¼ amita-4. someone who respects the Aparimitayuh5. ayusi sudur-qa tapõ È nmõÈ sh udunmõ È s5. Sutra, merit (would not be measurable)From this single page, it appeared that the text was part of a postscript to theAparimitayuh Sutra. The other two pages con® rmed this assumption because oftheir content. One page states that if one respects the Aparimitayuh Sutra, thatis equal to respect for all other Buddhist sutras. It even indicates that this Sutracan `bring the dying back to life’ .The Aparimitayuh Sutra is called the Maha-Aparimitayuh Sutra, or theMaha-sutra in Sanskrit. In medieval Uyghur, the title was Amita-Ayusi-Sudur,and in Chinese it was known by several names, including the Wulingshoujing,Dawulingshoujing, Dajing, and Dashuangjuanjing. The Chinese version wastranslated by the Wei dynasty monk, Kang Sengyi during the Three Kingdomsperiod (220±265 CE).This is one of the most important Sutras of the Sukhavati, or Pure Land, sectof Mahayana Buddhism. The story of the Sutra tells of a King named Dharmawho became a monk. As a monk, he swore 48 vows, one of which was this: Thecreatures from 10 directions should believe in joy from the bottom of theirhearts. One who wishes to be born in my country should obtain 10 smrti(memories). One who does not gain (this) level is one who will not reach thefruit of the Buddha (Kamberi, 1995). This monk ® nally became a Buddha calledAparimita. Because the land of this king who became a Buddha lay in the west,the sect based on his teachings became known as Sukhavati, the Pure Land orthe Western Paradise.291DOLKUN KAMBERIThe fragments translated above prove that this sutra was translated intoUyghur as early as the medieval period. And because the fragments includeSanskrit words inserted among the 15 lines of Uyghur text, it appears that thetranslator knew Sanskrit and most probably translated this from the originalSanskrit text.Texts from Turpan and other archaeological discoveries in this centurysuggest that there were several thousand Buddhist monks in the capital of theIdiqut Kingdom.2 These monks would have been responsible for the work oftranslation, and from the many fragments now collected from the Turpan area itis clear that virtually all of the TripitakaÐall the basic writings of BuddhismÐwere translated into Uyghur. Works for which fragments now exist includeMaitrisimit, Altun Yarug, Samso Acharining TaÈ rjimali, Abidarim KoshvardiSutra, Amitaba Sutra, Aryarajavavadaka Sutra, Mahamegha Sutra, TishastwustikSutra, Dashakrma Budaawtanamal Sutra, Mahamayuri Sutra, and many,many others. This Buddhist heritage suggests an open, cosmopolitan life amongUyghurs at Turpan where learning and the printing of religious texts played animportant role in medieval Uyghur urbiculture.(B) Literary documentsThe civilization of the medieval Uyghurs is re¯ ected in the Buddhist religiousliterature that remains one of the civilization’s most important legacies. Buddhistideals are similar to those of other universal religions in that they include theteaching that there is a place of perfection, peacefulness, happiness, freedom andhope ahead in the future. Good deeds in this world mean a rebirth in the future.Many pious Buddhist believers at Turpan used various mediums to convey theidea of an in® nitely merciful and kind future Buddha, Maitreya. As a result,many legends, myths, poetic eulogies, poetry, sutras, and Buddhist literarydramas about the future Buddha were created and/or recorded in Turpan, invarious versions.In particular, the manuscript of Maitrisimit written in Uyghur has been foundin seven different versions in Turpan. Six of these were discovered by a Germanarchaeological team at the beginning of the 20th century, in the Singgim andMurtuq areas of the oasis. The two versions unearthed at the former site are nowknown as the Singgim versions, while another three, from Murtuq, are called theMurtuq versions. The place where the sixth version was discovered remainsunknown.3 The most valuable version was discovered in April 1959 by a Uyghurvillager, YaÈ hya Rehim, from the Bashtura village in the ToÈ mirti Unit (threevillages consist of one unit in the Chinese administrative system), on the TaÈ ngriTagh Commune, Qumul (Hami) District. The villager was herding sheep on ahill near ToÈ mirti Unit when he found the Uyghur manuscript in a hole coveredby stones. The manuscript had been wrapped in a felt blanket and then hiddenin the hole. Both the blanket and the manuscript itself had started to decay.YaÈ hya Rehim presented the invaluable ® nd to Ismayil, director of the culturalstation of Qumul at that time. The manuscript was then transferred to a team of292A SURVEY OF UYGHUR DOCUMENTS FROM TURPANcultural relic investigators and it is now preserved in the regional museum atUrumchi. I call this the Qumul version of the Maitrisimit.No original version in Sanskrit has been found thus far, but according to theconclusion of each of the acts of the Uyghur version that have survived (Acts1, 2, 3, 10, 12, 16, 20, 23 and 25), there must be a Sanskrit original. Speci® cally,in the text of this Uyghur version the following clearly written line refers to suchan original:The Maitrisimit was translated from the Sanskrit into the Tokharian language byAryachantri who is from QarashaÈ haÈ r city of Uyghuristan, and then recreated in the Uyghurlanguage by Pirtanrakshit, who is from El-BalõÈ q (Idqut?) city of Uyghuristan. (Author’ stranslation)Having compared the published texts related to Maitreya Buddha, I believethat the content, artistic language, magic and metaphor, conception, compositionand quality of this version of the Maitrisimit are better than in any of the Sutrasmentioned above. In particular, the writing style of the other versions does notcompare to that of this Uyghur version. As further evidence, I have decipheredand translated a medieval Uyghur poem from among the medieval documents Idiscovered at Bezeklik. Currently preserved in Turpan, the original assignednumber of the document, is 80 T.B. I, 522, and it is on paper that is37.5 cm 3 3 cm. The content is a rhymed quatrain with the ® fth line in prose asa postscript. There is no date or author’ s name, but the poem conveys thecharacter of medieval Uyghur folk poetry in its harmonious rhythm and rhyme.Quatrains in early Uyghur carry an initial rhyme, and an escape line rhymes atthe end, as shown in the example below.Rhyme pattern:1. a . . . . . . . . . . . a2. a . . . . . . . . . . .b3. a . . . . . . . . . . . a4. a . . . . . . . . . . .b5. prose postscriptTransliteration in ® rst line. Translation in second line.1. oÈ zuÈ ng-ning oÈ graÈ nmish yandõ È rlarta1. No matter what subject, study by your own process.2. oÈ glinaÈ aÈ dguÈ -ki-maÈ busugh silikil2. Think more, be aware, do not be a show-off.3. oÈ ngi-maÈ naÈ guÈ -kim yanglar-ta oÈ sluÈ -3. Be careful and steady, whatever you do engage in.4. nchuÈ -singaÈ taÈ gi anchulayu ol umuq-4. That is the only way to be outstanding.5. luq koÈ zuÈ m birlaÈ oqõ È p sanga õ È dõ È m.5. I read it with my hopeful eyes and send it to you.This poem presents the kindly feelings of its author for his relative, probablysomeone who lives far away. The author not only greets him, but he also293DOLKUN KAMBERIencourages him to study hard, giving him good advice and wishing him greatsuccess when he returns. The poem also seems to re¯ ect the general attitude ofthe medieval Uyghurs toward learning. They believed that knowledge broughthappiness as well as great honour, and thus they took education very seriously.One extremely rare document unearthed at Turpan refers to the visual artswhich were also highly prized among the Buddhist community at Turpan. Amedieval Uyghur document today preserved in the Turpan museum records anorder for receiving seven Buddhist portraits, including embroidered depictions ofVajrapani, Samantabhadra, Manjusri and others. Collections in various countriespreserve many such Buddhist images, and portraits and wall paintings are stillto be seen in many places in the Uyghur region today, but documents concerningtheir acquisition are quite rare. Reading and interpreting this single documentthus contributes to the study of Uyghur Buddhist art, Uyghur paleography andprocessional performance.As indicated in the tenth and eleventh lines of the translation, below, thisdocument refers to an order for seven religious pictures. The short sentence, `buchuv tamgha minig ol’ , means `this receipt-seal is mine’ , suggesting that theorder had been ® lled and the pictures received (Kamberi, Umemura, andMoriyasu, 1990). Probably the paintings and portraits were to be used inprocessional performances, which were commonly held during Buddhist festivals.The document is thus also the earliest recorded evidence regardingperformance props.Medieval Uyghur Order/Receipt for Buddhist PortraitsTransliteration:1. yõ È lan yõ È l chakhsh [aput] ay yiti2. yangõ È qa maÈ n aÈ saÈ n t[ughmõ È ]sh buladan3. chim-ning suÈ [a]l[ayõÈ ]n sinsidu4. tan bir bash-balõ È q suÈ -si iki5. vachirapan chigin suÈ iki vukin6. manchushiri chigin suÈ yana iki7. qapõ È ghchõ È vachi[rapan] suÈ bilaÈ n8. yiti suÈ alghõ È l buladan9. chim kaÈ lmish-taÈ oÈ k birz-uÈ n10. bu chuv tamgha [minin]g [ol]11. aÈ saÈ n tughmõ È sh-tu oÈ z-oÈ m bi [tidi]mTranslation:1. On December 7, the snake year2. I, AsaÈ n Tughmõ È sh, will acquire portraits of3. Buladan Chim. Please get one painting of4. the Bash-Balõ È q (the Uyghur capital city), two5. embroidered portraits of Vajrapani, and two6. embroidered portraits of Majusri, another7. two portraits of Gatekeeper Vajrapani (?), all8. together seven pictures. When Buladan9. Chim comes, he should give (them) to you.294

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